ITALY

Italy's democratic institutions are marred by persistent flaws.

While the basic electoral process is fair, private media companies are heavily biased toward the center-right parties. Public broadcasters depend on the parliamentary majority.

Civil rights are formally guaranteed, but undermined by an ineffective judiciary, police violence, and discrimination against migrants, minorities, and women.

Corruption is widespread, and courts slow.

Italy's economy has strengthened in recent years, but improvements are precarious.

Unemployment rates have crept downward, but the country lacks a coherent labor policy. Businesses face high taxes, considerable red tape, and subsidies allocated inefficiently by means of lobbying.

Tax evasion is widespread, and the black market large. The nation's public debt is very high.

Poverty rates are high in Italy, particularly in the south. Social welfare measures are generous, but poorly targeted.

The national health system is universal and comprehensive, but public health care quality is not always exemplary.

Family policy is minimal. Child care is expensive, with little support for working mothers. Many families give up having children.

Pension policy is skewed toward the current generation, and is in need of major reform.

Italy spends relatively little on its conventional military, relying on EU and NATO membership as protection against external security threats.

Organized crime is a problem in southern Italy, but less so in the north. Human and drug trafficking are serious issues.

Integration policy has largely been aimed at avoiding illegal immigration. Some minimal efforts have recently focused on integration.

Issues of sustainability have proved troublesome in Italy.

Environmental policy has not been a core priority, with serious waste and pollution issues in the south.

R&D spending is considerably below the OECD average, and often inefficiently allocated.

Schools are underfunded, and educational achievement is relatively low.

Long-term strategic planning is difficult in Italy. Government majorities are fragmented, and ministers' loyalties are often directed to their individual parties.

The prime minister's office is often reactive, engaging when problems arise in the policy-making process.

RIAs are formally required, but not systematically implemented. However, the government often consults groups (in particular trade unions) on matters of particular importance.

Italian governments are particularly unable to enforce consistent communication across administrations.

The government's ability to win legislative approval for its agenda varies across administrations, with larger majorities increasing efficiency.

The two legislative chambers have equal power, leading more often to delaying tactics rather than outright rejection.

The Supreme Court can and does overturn legislation as unconstitutional.

Italy's governments have proved open to international influence. European integration has proven to be of particular significance.

The country often participates in international reform initiatives, but acts often as a late follower rather than a leader.

Self-monitoring in Italy's political system is rather sporadic.

The government in power during the period under review proved somewhat overwhelmed by coalition problems.

Most Italians claim either little political interest, or an inability to understand the content of policy debates.

The legislature makes use of its oversight powers, but is hampered by government resistance.

Party platforms are more pragmatic than ideological. Interest groups can be influential, but their proposals tend to focus on their own short-term interests.