POLAND

At rank 24, Poland’s status performance has markedly increased (+3 ranks relative to SGI 2009).

Poland shows one of the largest Status Index gains of all SGI countries surveyed. Progress made in the quality of democracy and the economic realm is most prominent.

Early parliamentary elections (Oct. 2007) ended two turbulent years. Under PM Tusk, the new government operates fairly smoothly and reacted relatively swiftly to the financial crisis.

The tragic death of President Kaczyński and the election of Bronisław Komorowski (PO) brought the period of divided government to an end, making it easier for the Tusk government to continue its reforms.

The quality of democracy in Poland has clearly improved during the period under review (+8 ranks relative to SGI 2009).

The SGI 2009 identified serious flaws, including a government actively influencing the media, public media organizations showing a pro-government bias, and inefficient and politicized courts.

The new Tusk government demonstrates considerably greater respect for judicial independence, media freedom, civil rights and political liberties.

Compared to its predecessor, the Tusk government has also paid more attention to the fight against discrimination, most notably by re-establishing the office of a Plenipotentiary for Equal Treatment. Less progress was made, however, in the fight against corruption.

At rank 21, Poland’s handling of economic policy has shown strong improvement (+9 ranks relative to SGI 2009).

After a slow start, the Tusk government launched a number of ambitious reforms. Companies were privatized, FDI incentives improved and personal income tax rates cut. Thanks in part to a coherent economic policy, Poland recorded the OECD’s highest 2009 GDP growth.

Active labor market policies have yielded positive results. Self-employment has risen and long-term unemployment has fallen, but the overall employment rate is one of the OECD’s lowest. Regional disparities in unemployment rates remain large.

Budget consolidation represents the key challenge ahead. Sound fiscal policy is needed to decrease dependency on privatization revenues and EU funds, and to prepare for euro zone entry.

Poland’s rating on issues of social affairs (rank 29) remains one of the lowest in the OECD.

With the country’s health care system suffering from high deficits and a low quality of service, health care reform has been a priority of the Tusk government. However, reform efforts fell victim to President Kaczyński’s veto powers, and need to be relaunched.

The Tusk government succeeded in improving the sustainability of the pension system’s public pillar by drastically limiting the access to early retirement. A popular generous pension program for farmers was left untouched, however.

The global economic crisis exacerbated fiscal problems in the pension system’s first pillar, and triggered losses in private pension funds.

The Tusk government has successfully brought an end to Poland’s isolation within the EU. However, its international role has suffered from power struggles in foreign affairs between the government and President Kaczyński.

Internal security has improved substantially. The crime number has continued to fall, and the sense of safety has grown dramatically.

Poland’s accession to the Schengen zone in December 2007 has increased police cooperation with other EU members and helped modernize the country’s police force. However, coordination among the various organizations involved in fighting crime remains inadequate.

Poland ranks 22nd in the SGI’s resources category (+3 ranks relative to the SGI 2009).

The Tusk government has put more emphasis on environmental protection than did its predecessor, but has clearly prioritized economic goals. EU plans to reduce CO2 emissions were consistently opposed.

Poland’s R&D expenditures are low, with weak links between science and industry, but the Tusk government launched a reform aimed at strengthening R&D. Concrete effects have been limited so far.

Poland’s education system still suffers from a lack of synchronization with the labor market. A youth unemployment figure of 20% bears testimony to this problem. Vocational training is poorly developed.

Without progress in environmental issues, R&D and education, economic growth in Poland will not be sustainable.

At rank 26, Poland’s management performance has improved markedly (+3 ranks relative to SGI 2009).

Under the Tusk administration, substantial initiatives have been undertaken to improve the government’s strategic capacity and its staff members’ expertise. In the initial phase of Tusk’s term, policy implementation often faltered due to the resistance of then-President Kazcyński.

The largest gains have been observed in institutional learning. Poland has grown increasingly active in EU policy-making and demonstrates a growing willingness to adapt to international norms.

Executive accountability remains a problem in Poland, where policy literacy among the general public is weak.

At rank 17, Poland has shown significant improvements (+13 ranks relative to SGI 2009) in terms of governmental steering capability.

The Tusk government made substantial improvements to strategic planning processes, and has relied heavily on scholarly advice. The sectoral policy expertise of the prime minister’s office has been strengthened.

Carrying out impact assessments has been mandatory for all government bills and regulation since 2001. While the quality of assessments has often been poor, the new government has instituted tools designed to strengthen the process.

Consultation with economic and social actors is institutionalized in various forms, including through the Tripartite Commission for Social and Economic Affairs.

At rank 27, Poland’s policy implementation capacity remains low by OECD standards, despite marginal improvements (+2 ranks) relative to the SGI 2009.

The Tusk government’s ability to implement reforms was initially limited by then-President Kazcyński’s far-reaching veto powers, preventing major reform projects from taking effect.

Although many ministers have a strong independent political base, Tusk largely succeeded in keeping them aligned with government policy.

Three tiers of subnational governments have existed since 1999: municipalities, districts and regions. A number of reforms, most notably health care and education reforms enacted in 1999, have increased the responsibilities of regional governments over time without providing sufficient funding.

Making strong gains relative to the SGI 2009, Poland’s institutional learning capacity rating rose from rank 29 to rank 12.

In 2008, the government streamlined its EU affairs policy-making process, and began preparing the country to take the EU’s presidency in the second half of 2011. The country has taken an active role in international policy coordination. The Tusk government has adopted a much more constructive position toward the EU than that of its predecessor.

The incumbent center-right government has instituted a number of institutional reforms. However, these reforms have not been based on a comprehensive and regular monitoring of institutional arrangements.

At rank 26, Poland’s assessed executive accountability remains low by OECD standards, despite improvement (+4 ranks) relative to the SGI 2009.

The public’s general familiarity with government policy is limited. Voter volatility is exceptionally high.

Parliamentary committees have full access to government documents, but the lack of expert legislative staff undermines the parliament’s oversight capability.

Government decisions are widely covered by the country’s main TV and radio stations, but circulation rates for high-quality newspapers are relatively low.

Most parties’ platforms, aside from that of the governing party, lack coherency. While many interest associations exist, few are capable of developing fully developed policy proposals.