SLOVAKIA

Although elections in Slovakia are fair, legal institutions are overloaded, and tainted by suspicions of corruption.

The media is independent, much of it foreign-owned, and critical of the government.

Civil rights and legal certainty are somewhat impaired by heavy court workloads. Discrimination against women and ethnic minorities can be a problem.

Corruption is still common, including inside the judicial system.

Slovakia's unemployment rates have been among the highest in the EU, with economic policy inconsistent.

The Dzurinda government liberalized the labor market, cutting spending and adding welfare-to-work programs. The Fico government reversed some reforms.

A flat 19 percent tax rate has stimulated growth. Broader enterprise policy has focused on R&D and attracting foreign investors.

Deficits have fallen as Slovakia has aimed for euro zone eligibility.

Income disparities have grown since 1989, but remain fairly low in absolute terms, with poverty limited.

A universal health care system provides reasonably good care, but with inefficiencies and rising costs. A move toward semi-privatization has been partially rolled back.

Women play a relatively small role in the labor force. Parental leave provisions are generous, but there is little support for working mothers.

Private pension funds have performed well, but the public system is fiscally fragile.

Slovakian policymakers have grounded security policy in alliances with NATO and the EU.

Organized crime and drug trafficking have increasingly become problems. The population's trust in the police service has been undermined by corruption.

Although integration policy lacks a coherent framework, the country largely serves as a source or transit point for migration.

Slovakian policymakers have focused more intently on short-term development than on sustainability.

Environmental policy has not been a high priority, with most initiatives driven by EU obligations.

Low levels of R&D investment saw temporary gains, later canceled by the new government.

Student test scores are relatively poor. Education spending is low, and curriculum outdated.

A communist past has left Slovaks suspicious of the term "planning." However, EU accession has stimulated strategic activity.

Line ministries draft policy proposals, based on the government's program. Policy assessments are obligatory, but uncoordinated.

Governments are required to consult with interest groups, though the impact of such meetings varies.

Communication is often inconsistent.

Lacking a clear parliamentary majority, the Dzurinda government (the first during this period of review) won passage for just 88 percent of government-sponsored bills.

Nonetheless, the administration was quite successful in achieving its primary policy objectives.

There is no second chamber. The president wields a suspensive veto, while the well-respected Constitutional Court overturns laws relatively infrequently.

Slovakia has successfully adjusted domestic government structures to international developments, driven in particular by EU membership, and has actively participated in international reform initiatives.

The economic and social reforms adopted under the Dzurinda government drew significant international attention.

Regular monitoring of government institutions is rare.

The Dzurinda government's far-reaching reforms were not associated with, or preceded by, similarly profound changes in the institutional arrangements of governing.

Slovak citizens typically have only limited understanding of government policies, despite relatively frequent political discussions on public television.

The parliament has, and uses, a variety of oversight mechanisms, although the audit office suffers from a lack of resources.

Parties' electoral programs are rising in quality. Interest group input sometimes compensates for a lack of experience in the ministries.