Social Policies
#41Key Findings
Despite ongoing reforms addressing weaknesses, Mexico takes the lowest place in the SGI 2022 (rank 41) in the area of social policies. Its score on this measure has declined by 0.2 points relative to 2014.
The healthcare system was hit hard by the coronavirus pandemic, with the country suffering the world’s third-highest number of deaths. The government was accused of negligence and politicization of the response. A pension system reform is underway that has substantially boosted average benefit levels.
Education outcomes are poor despite relatively significant spending. A reform of the system is underway; preschool education is being made mandatory, and access to higher education is to be guaranteed. Greater funding is needed to support rising student populations. Poverty and extreme poverty rates have risen due to COVID-19.
Family policy is minimal. Integration policy is virtually nonexistent. Drug cartels are responsible for widespread and brutal crimes. The government has created a national guard to combat cartels, but the security situation has not improved. The high number of disappeared and probably murdered women is a serious problem.
The healthcare system was hit hard by the coronavirus pandemic, with the country suffering the world’s third-highest number of deaths. The government was accused of negligence and politicization of the response. A pension system reform is underway that has substantially boosted average benefit levels.
Education outcomes are poor despite relatively significant spending. A reform of the system is underway; preschool education is being made mandatory, and access to higher education is to be guaranteed. Greater funding is needed to support rising student populations. Poverty and extreme poverty rates have risen due to COVID-19.
Family policy is minimal. Integration policy is virtually nonexistent. Drug cartels are responsible for widespread and brutal crimes. The government has created a national guard to combat cartels, but the security situation has not improved. The high number of disappeared and probably murdered women is a serious problem.
Graph View
Graph View
To what extent does education policy deliver high-quality, equitable and efficient education and training?
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9
Education policy fully achieves the criteria.
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6
7
6
Education policy largely achieves the criteria.
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4
3
Education policy partially achieves the criteria.
2
1
1
Education policy does not achieve the criteria at all.
Mexico’s education system is relatively weak despite significant public investment in the sector. According to the 2021 OECD Overview of the Education System, education spending in Mexico in 2018 (last year with available data) was 4.6% of the country’s GDP (the OECD average is 4.9%). Mexico’s per student expenditure ($2,918 in 2018) was the lowest of all OECD countries. This can explain to a great extent why student performance is lower than in most other OECD countries. What is clear is that rising student numbers will require an increase in overall funding. Also, there are strong regional differences in education and some states are continuously failing to cope with national minimum standards in education at the primary and secondary levels.
López Obrador promised that he would replace his predecessors’ reform proposals with his own and increase public education spending. After lengthy negotiations, an education reform package was passed in May 2019. The reform eliminates the Instituto Nacional para la Evaluación de la Educación (INEE), a highly criticized evaluation facility for teacher performance; makes preschool education (from 0 to 3 years) mandatory; and states that the state must guarantee access to higher education.
The higher education sector faces several major challenges. Mexico’s student population increased from 2 million students in 2001 to 4.5 million in 2018. Universities need to adapt to this higher level of demand, and align their study programs with the needs of a developing and diversifying economy. Nevertheless, the tertiary enrollment rate is still far below comparable figures in other major Latin American countries. As in most other countries in the region, private education in Mexico is generally of much higher quality than public education. At every level, privately educated students typically outperform students enrolled in public schools.
Like other areas of public life, the education system was hit hard by the coronavirus pandemic. Poorer pupils and students were particularly hard hit by university and school closures. This was in part due to the very uneven access to technology, which made it impossible for many pupils and students to attend classes. This was accompanied by further deterioration in and vandalization of school buildings. The Mexican education system will probably need years to recover from the consequences of the coronavirus pandemic.
Citations:
https://elpais.com/internacional/2019/05/15/mexico/1557936540_934347.html
https://elpais.com/internacional/2019/02/08/mexico/1549581066_521979.html
https://wenr.wes.org/2019/05/education-in-mexico-2
https://www.tagesschau.de/ausland/amerika/mexiko-bildung-covid-101.htm
https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-030-81500-4_6
López Obrador promised that he would replace his predecessors’ reform proposals with his own and increase public education spending. After lengthy negotiations, an education reform package was passed in May 2019. The reform eliminates the Instituto Nacional para la Evaluación de la Educación (INEE), a highly criticized evaluation facility for teacher performance; makes preschool education (from 0 to 3 years) mandatory; and states that the state must guarantee access to higher education.
The higher education sector faces several major challenges. Mexico’s student population increased from 2 million students in 2001 to 4.5 million in 2018. Universities need to adapt to this higher level of demand, and align their study programs with the needs of a developing and diversifying economy. Nevertheless, the tertiary enrollment rate is still far below comparable figures in other major Latin American countries. As in most other countries in the region, private education in Mexico is generally of much higher quality than public education. At every level, privately educated students typically outperform students enrolled in public schools.
Like other areas of public life, the education system was hit hard by the coronavirus pandemic. Poorer pupils and students were particularly hard hit by university and school closures. This was in part due to the very uneven access to technology, which made it impossible for many pupils and students to attend classes. This was accompanied by further deterioration in and vandalization of school buildings. The Mexican education system will probably need years to recover from the consequences of the coronavirus pandemic.
Citations:
https://elpais.com/internacional/2019/05/15/mexico/1557936540_934347.html
https://elpais.com/internacional/2019/02/08/mexico/1549581066_521979.html
https://wenr.wes.org/2019/05/education-in-mexico-2
https://www.tagesschau.de/ausland/amerika/mexiko-bildung-covid-101.htm
https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-030-81500-4_6
Graph View
To what extent does social policy prevent exclusion and decoupling from society?
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Policies very effectively enable societal inclusion and ensure equal opportunities.
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For the most part, policies enable societal inclusion effectively and ensure equal opportunities.
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For the most part, policies fail to prevent societal exclusion effectively and ensure equal opportunities.
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1
1
Policies exacerbate unequal opportunities and exclusion from society.
Mexico is a socially hierarchical society along a number of dimensions: educational, racial and financial. Mexican governments have not been capable or willing to bring substantial change. Moreover, the Mexican state is too weak to carry out major social reforms and there is strong resistance against wealth redistribution. Among OECD countries Mexico has one of the highest income concentration indexes, with a Gini coefficient of 0.45 in 2018 (according to the World Bank).
A government policy to address extreme poverty and the lack of adequate sources of food, the Cruzada Nacional Contra el Hambre and its Food Support Program, has been in place since 2012. The policy was intended to reach more than seven million people and has been praised for its effectiveness. It created a database of beneficiaries who were not receiving cash transfers through other government agencies. Since taking office, President López Obrador has also pursued a poverty-centered policy. He calls this “putting the poor first.”
But despite some measures like expanding scholarships for low-income students and transfer payments for people with disabilities, he has not yet been able to celebrate any great successes in this regard. The number of people living in poverty increased by 3.8 million between 2018 and 2020, making a total of 55.7 million. This was an increase from 41.9% to 43.9% of the total population. The percentage of the population living in extreme poverty also increased from 7% to 8.5%. This was largely due to the social upheavals caused by the coronavirus crisis.
President Lopez Obrador does not seem to prioritize the inclusion of other disadvantaged populations. His relationship with the LGTBQ+ movement is complicated, and he is often accused of macho behavior and outdated views.
Citations:
https://data.oecd.org/inequality/income-inequality.htm
https://www.latinnews.com/component/k2/item/81197.html?archive=33&Itemid=6&cat_id=818713:tracking-trends
https://tradingeconomics.com/mexico/gini-index-wb-data.html
https://www.animalpolitico.com/2021/08/mexico-millones-nuevos-pobres-acceso-salud/
https://www.americasquarterly.org/article/the-politics-of-amlos-coronavirus-approach/
A government policy to address extreme poverty and the lack of adequate sources of food, the Cruzada Nacional Contra el Hambre and its Food Support Program, has been in place since 2012. The policy was intended to reach more than seven million people and has been praised for its effectiveness. It created a database of beneficiaries who were not receiving cash transfers through other government agencies. Since taking office, President López Obrador has also pursued a poverty-centered policy. He calls this “putting the poor first.”
But despite some measures like expanding scholarships for low-income students and transfer payments for people with disabilities, he has not yet been able to celebrate any great successes in this regard. The number of people living in poverty increased by 3.8 million between 2018 and 2020, making a total of 55.7 million. This was an increase from 41.9% to 43.9% of the total population. The percentage of the population living in extreme poverty also increased from 7% to 8.5%. This was largely due to the social upheavals caused by the coronavirus crisis.
President Lopez Obrador does not seem to prioritize the inclusion of other disadvantaged populations. His relationship with the LGTBQ+ movement is complicated, and he is often accused of macho behavior and outdated views.
Citations:
https://data.oecd.org/inequality/income-inequality.htm
https://www.latinnews.com/component/k2/item/81197.html?archive=33&Itemid=6&cat_id=818713:tracking-trends
https://tradingeconomics.com/mexico/gini-index-wb-data.html
https://www.animalpolitico.com/2021/08/mexico-millones-nuevos-pobres-acceso-salud/
https://www.americasquarterly.org/article/the-politics-of-amlos-coronavirus-approach/
Graph View
To what extent do health care policies provide high-quality, inclusive and cost-efficient health care?
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Health care policy achieves the criteria fully.
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7
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Health care policy achieves the criteria largely.
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4
3
Health care policy achieves the criteria partly.
2
1
1
Health care policy does not achieve the criteria at all.
Overall, public spending on healthcare is comparatively high but the quality of healthcare varies widely across Mexico, with different regions showing broad variation in the quality and variety of services available. Private, self-financed healthcare is largely limited to middle-class and upper-class Mexicans, who encompass roughly 15% of the total population, but receive about one-third of all hospital beds. Around one-third of the population (most of whom work in the formal sector) can access healthcare through state-run occupational and contributory insurance schemes such as the Mexican Social Security Institute (Instituto Mexicano del Seguro Social, IMSS) and the State Employees’ Social Security and Social Services Institute (Instituto de Seguridad y Servicios Sociales de los Trabajadores del Estado, ISSSTE). These are based on automatic contributions for workers in the formal sector and, in practice, work reasonably well, although with some variation across different parts of the country. The system has been decentralized to the states. In 2016, a National Agreement Toward Health Service Universalization was signed, which aims to ensure portability across providers.
Public health issues are aggravated by the lack of access to quality health services. Though most Mexicans are affiliated with the different sources of healthcare providers, including public and private, there are still issues of quality that negatively affect public health. The government has been attempting to make healthcare more affordable and extend it to more people outside the formal sector. In order to expand the insurance principle, in 2003 the government set up the so-called Popular Insurance (Seguro Popular) program, which was open to contributors on a voluntary basis, with means-tested contributions from citizens supplemented by substantial government subsidies in order to encourage membership. According to experts, the program was widely successful. By 2017, the percentage of uninsured people had decreased from 50% to 21.5%. However, there were still substantial problems in terms of funding, and serious transparency deficiencies.
In August 2019, President López Obrador announced a new program to improve the healthcare system. The Instituto de la Salud para el Bienestar (INSABI) was founded, replacing the previous decentralized Popular Insurance program. This new institution is supposed to improve healthcare provision for citizens that are unable to access existing social security systems. However, some experts have been critical, noting that the centrally organized INSABI will lead to further centralization and greater control of resources by the government.
With the world’s third-highest number of deaths during the coronavirus pandemic, Mexico’s healthcare system was hit hard. During the fight against the spread of the coronavirus, there were serious accusations from the opposition that the government was contributing to unnecessary deaths through negligent behavior, as well as through the politicization of the coronavirus vaccination campaign.
Citations:
https://www.latinnews.com/component/k2/item/80361.html?archive=33&Itemid=6&cat_id=817617:mexico-rowing-back-on-healthcare-sector-austerity
https://www.americasquarterly.org/content/amlos-false-sense-austerity
https://www.latinnews.com/component/k2/item/88004.html?archive=33&cat_id=825090:mexico-growing-evidence-of-pandemic-mismanagement
Public health issues are aggravated by the lack of access to quality health services. Though most Mexicans are affiliated with the different sources of healthcare providers, including public and private, there are still issues of quality that negatively affect public health. The government has been attempting to make healthcare more affordable and extend it to more people outside the formal sector. In order to expand the insurance principle, in 2003 the government set up the so-called Popular Insurance (Seguro Popular) program, which was open to contributors on a voluntary basis, with means-tested contributions from citizens supplemented by substantial government subsidies in order to encourage membership. According to experts, the program was widely successful. By 2017, the percentage of uninsured people had decreased from 50% to 21.5%. However, there were still substantial problems in terms of funding, and serious transparency deficiencies.
In August 2019, President López Obrador announced a new program to improve the healthcare system. The Instituto de la Salud para el Bienestar (INSABI) was founded, replacing the previous decentralized Popular Insurance program. This new institution is supposed to improve healthcare provision for citizens that are unable to access existing social security systems. However, some experts have been critical, noting that the centrally organized INSABI will lead to further centralization and greater control of resources by the government.
With the world’s third-highest number of deaths during the coronavirus pandemic, Mexico’s healthcare system was hit hard. During the fight against the spread of the coronavirus, there were serious accusations from the opposition that the government was contributing to unnecessary deaths through negligent behavior, as well as through the politicization of the coronavirus vaccination campaign.
Citations:
https://www.latinnews.com/component/k2/item/80361.html?archive=33&Itemid=6&cat_id=817617:mexico-rowing-back-on-healthcare-sector-austerity
https://www.americasquarterly.org/content/amlos-false-sense-austerity
https://www.latinnews.com/component/k2/item/88004.html?archive=33&cat_id=825090:mexico-growing-evidence-of-pandemic-mismanagement
Graph View
To what extent do family support policies enable women to combine parenting with participation in the labor market?
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Family support policies effectively enable women to combine parenting with employment.
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Family support policies provide some support for women who want to combine parenting and employment.
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Family support policies provide only few opportunities for women who want to combine parenting and employment.
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1
Family support policies force most women to opt for either parenting or employment.
As in most other areas of Mexican social policy, social divisions are pronounced in the area of family policy. On the one hand, educated and urban Mexicans are broadly supportive of women’s rights, as is the political class. Recent political reforms require registered political parties to have a quota of women included as a part of their election slates. In addition, educated women are increasingly participating in the labor market and quite a large number of professionals are women. However, women are strongly underrepresented in top business positions. Less than 10% of seats on boards are held by women, a low level compared to other OECD countries, providing a strong argument in favor of at least temporary gender quotas.
With regard to the poorer segments of the population, gender equality is progressing even slower. Poorer Mexicans tend to have larger families and face fewer opportunities for women in the labor market. Also, old-fashioned “macho” and conservative Catholic attitudes from the past make it harder for lower-class women to progress. Moreover, lower-class women are more active in family businesses and in the informal economy, where incomes tend to be lower, and where it is hard for them to access state benefits. The main problems facing working class women have to do with dysfunctions in public services including health, education and transportation. There is a huge demand for expanding early childcare and preschool coverage and extending the length of paternity and maternity leaves. Moreover, paternity leave policies are more an exception than a rule in Mexico and still regarded as unnecessary by most businesses and organizations. This reinforces a gender bias in child rearing and discrimination of women in the workplace.
In the early 2000s, SEDESOL created a program aimed at early childhood development that provide childcare for children of men and women in poverty five days a week. Though the program is not universal, there is some evidence that it provides advantages to enrolled children, even if the extent of childcare in comparison to OECD countries is quite low.
According to official records, more than 60% of women have experienced some type of violence in their lifetime. On average, seven women were killed in Mexico every day. It must be assumed that the number of unreported cases is much higher. The exceptionally high number of disappeared women in the northern state of Chihuahua and the central state of Estado de Mexico, many of whom are presumed to have been murdered, has led to the international use of the term “femicide” to describe this form of disappearance. Many of these disappeared women were likely the victims of sex crimes, but many more have been victims of family honor killings.
President López Obrador proposed a referendum in January 2021 to vote on legalizing abortion. He himself has not taken a concrete position on this issue. However, before the referendum could take place, a ruling by the Supreme Court ensured nationwide legalization.
Citations:
http://www.inegi.org.mx/saladeprensa/aproposito/2016/violencia2016_0.pdf
http://www.animalpolitico.com/2014/03/permiso-de-paternidad-en-mexico-unas-mini-vacaciones-pagadas-de-5-dias/
https://ac.els-cdn.com/S1665114616301617/1-s2.0-S1665114616301617-main.pdf?_tid=be22bb40-e2cf-11e7-ae06-00000aab0f27&acdnat=1513476933_1b3cb11d76a482e57d9c4f638c2232f8
https://justiceinmexico.org/femicidesinmexico/
https://elpais.com/sociedad/2019/11/21/actualidad/1574372158_615125.html
https://amerika21.de/2021/09/253894/schwangerschaftsabbruch-mexiko-legal
With regard to the poorer segments of the population, gender equality is progressing even slower. Poorer Mexicans tend to have larger families and face fewer opportunities for women in the labor market. Also, old-fashioned “macho” and conservative Catholic attitudes from the past make it harder for lower-class women to progress. Moreover, lower-class women are more active in family businesses and in the informal economy, where incomes tend to be lower, and where it is hard for them to access state benefits. The main problems facing working class women have to do with dysfunctions in public services including health, education and transportation. There is a huge demand for expanding early childcare and preschool coverage and extending the length of paternity and maternity leaves. Moreover, paternity leave policies are more an exception than a rule in Mexico and still regarded as unnecessary by most businesses and organizations. This reinforces a gender bias in child rearing and discrimination of women in the workplace.
In the early 2000s, SEDESOL created a program aimed at early childhood development that provide childcare for children of men and women in poverty five days a week. Though the program is not universal, there is some evidence that it provides advantages to enrolled children, even if the extent of childcare in comparison to OECD countries is quite low.
According to official records, more than 60% of women have experienced some type of violence in their lifetime. On average, seven women were killed in Mexico every day. It must be assumed that the number of unreported cases is much higher. The exceptionally high number of disappeared women in the northern state of Chihuahua and the central state of Estado de Mexico, many of whom are presumed to have been murdered, has led to the international use of the term “femicide” to describe this form of disappearance. Many of these disappeared women were likely the victims of sex crimes, but many more have been victims of family honor killings.
President López Obrador proposed a referendum in January 2021 to vote on legalizing abortion. He himself has not taken a concrete position on this issue. However, before the referendum could take place, a ruling by the Supreme Court ensured nationwide legalization.
Citations:
http://www.inegi.org.mx/saladeprensa/aproposito/2016/violencia2016_0.pdf
http://www.animalpolitico.com/2014/03/permiso-de-paternidad-en-mexico-unas-mini-vacaciones-pagadas-de-5-dias/
https://ac.els-cdn.com/S1665114616301617/1-s2.0-S1665114616301617-main.pdf?_tid=be22bb40-e2cf-11e7-ae06-00000aab0f27&acdnat=1513476933_1b3cb11d76a482e57d9c4f638c2232f8
https://justiceinmexico.org/femicidesinmexico/
https://elpais.com/sociedad/2019/11/21/actualidad/1574372158_615125.html
https://amerika21.de/2021/09/253894/schwangerschaftsabbruch-mexiko-legal
Graph View
To what extent does pension policy realize goals of poverty prevention, intergenerational equity and fiscal sustainability?
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Pension policy achieves the objectives fully.
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Pension policy achieves the objectives largely.
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Pension policy achieves the objectives partly.
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Pension policy does not achieve the objectives at all.
Mexico is slowly shifting from a pensions system based on contributions and corporate identity to one that is more universalistic in character, operated by government-approved financial agencies called AFORE (Admistradoras de Fondos para el Retiro). Some Mexican states have in recent years introduced noncontributory old-age pensions based on universal eligibility. Mexico is in a relatively advantageous position to introduce reform in that its birth rate peaked in the 1970s, which has led to a reduction in children’s demands on the public sector. At the other end of the demographic balance, Mexico still has a relatively low proportion of old people. As this comparatively privileged position will eventually change for the worse, there has been substantial pressure to reform the pension system. In 2020 –2021, the Mexican government fundamentally reformed the pension system for the first time since 1997. The reform provides for pensions that up to 40% higher for the average worker, and was supported by large sections of employee and employer groups. At the same time, it calls for substantial increases in pension contributions, by employees as well as by employers and the government.
One of the key problems with the old pension system in Mexico was its low coverage: In 2016, only 27% of the working age population had a pension account. It remains to be seen how the new pension system will perform in this regard, but the incentive structure in the new system should work in the right direction regarding the expansion of coverage.
Citations:
https://www.latinnews.com/component/k2/item/85184-mexico-makes-progress-amid-rare-respite-from-polarisation.html
https://globalnews.lockton.com/mexico-to-reform-social-security-pension-system/
One of the key problems with the old pension system in Mexico was its low coverage: In 2016, only 27% of the working age population had a pension account. It remains to be seen how the new pension system will perform in this regard, but the incentive structure in the new system should work in the right direction regarding the expansion of coverage.
Citations:
https://www.latinnews.com/component/k2/item/85184-mexico-makes-progress-amid-rare-respite-from-polarisation.html
https://globalnews.lockton.com/mexico-to-reform-social-security-pension-system/
Graph View
How effectively do policies support the integration of migrants into society?
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Cultural, education and social policies effectively support the integration of migrants into society.
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Cultural, education and social policies seek to integrate migrants into society, but have failed to do so effectively.
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Cultural, education and social policies do not focus on integrating migrants into society.
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1
Cultural, education and social policies segregate migrant communities from the majority society.
Mexican integration policy remains weak to nonexistent. The dominant cultural narrative in Mexico tends to assume that migration means emigration. Mexico was and remains a major source of emigration, but has not effectively addressed problems related to immigration that have been steadily increasing during the last 15 to 20 years. There are serious problems related to migrants entering Mexico from Central America, but also from Haiti, and many Asian and African countries, with most seeking entry to the United States and a minority wanting to stay in Mexico. Few are able to acquire formal documentation. In their desperation, such people are often preyed upon by criminals or even recruited into local drug gangs. Homicide rates are also high among this group. The Mexican authorities mostly do not welcome this kind of immigration and do their best to discourage it. However, there is no effective integration, transit or migration policy to deal with these issues. Mexican authorities also downplay the incidence of criminal attacks on Central American immigrants, although the international media has cast a spotlight on this population’s predicament.
The number of asylum applications rose sharply in 2021 in particular. At 108,195, almost three times as many people applied for asylum as in the previous year. However, applications are being processed very slowly, which further exacerbates the situation of asylum-seekers. The number of undocumented migrants has also increased dramatically. The “Remain in Mexico” program was set up in cooperation with the Trump administration in the United States, and continued under the Biden administration. Under this program, people who apply for asylum in the U.S. from Mexico will remain in Mexico until they receive an appointment with U.S. migration authorities.
Contrary to what emerges from the media, more Mexicans have been leaving the United States since 2008 than have emigrated to the United States. A particular problem is that of “returnees” (i.e., young Mexican nationals or children of Mexican nationals who come to Mexico after living in the United States, either voluntarily or through deportation). This issue becomes particularly relevant as the Trump administration decided to terminate DACA. Many of these students are not fluent in Spanish and have problems integrating into Mexican schools since they have studied under a different school system utilizing different teaching and evaluation methodologies. The Mexican education system is not ready to provide sufficient resources to improve these students’ language skills and their sense of belonging.
Citations:
https://apnews.com/4b37a351ad294a52b3834ba0c4a23e27
https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/extracontinental-migrants-latin-america
https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/protection-and-reintegration-mexico-reforms-migration-agenda
https://www.latinnews.com/component/k2/item/91002.html?archive=33&Itemid=6&cat_id=827029:mexico-new-agreement-prolongs-remain-in-mexico
The number of asylum applications rose sharply in 2021 in particular. At 108,195, almost three times as many people applied for asylum as in the previous year. However, applications are being processed very slowly, which further exacerbates the situation of asylum-seekers. The number of undocumented migrants has also increased dramatically. The “Remain in Mexico” program was set up in cooperation with the Trump administration in the United States, and continued under the Biden administration. Under this program, people who apply for asylum in the U.S. from Mexico will remain in Mexico until they receive an appointment with U.S. migration authorities.
Contrary to what emerges from the media, more Mexicans have been leaving the United States since 2008 than have emigrated to the United States. A particular problem is that of “returnees” (i.e., young Mexican nationals or children of Mexican nationals who come to Mexico after living in the United States, either voluntarily or through deportation). This issue becomes particularly relevant as the Trump administration decided to terminate DACA. Many of these students are not fluent in Spanish and have problems integrating into Mexican schools since they have studied under a different school system utilizing different teaching and evaluation methodologies. The Mexican education system is not ready to provide sufficient resources to improve these students’ language skills and their sense of belonging.
Citations:
https://apnews.com/4b37a351ad294a52b3834ba0c4a23e27
https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/extracontinental-migrants-latin-america
https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/protection-and-reintegration-mexico-reforms-migration-agenda
https://www.latinnews.com/component/k2/item/91002.html?archive=33&Itemid=6&cat_id=827029:mexico-new-agreement-prolongs-remain-in-mexico
Graph View
How effectively does internal security policy protect citizens against security risks?
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Internal security policy protects citizens against security risks very effectively.
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Internal security policy protects citizens against security risks more or less effectively.
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Internal security policy does not effectively protect citizens against security risks.
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Internal security policy exacerbates the security risks.
Mexico has been among the most dangerous countries in the world and there has been no substantial improvement in recent years. If anything, the situation is worsening. The main reason for the high homicide rate is that Mexico has become a major center for the transit of illegal drugs to the United States. In brutal competition with one another, Mexico’s criminal gangs or cartels, have carried out horrific acts and killed thousands. Moreover, violence has become increasingly intertwined with local, regional and national politics. From a regional perspective, Mexico has only a slightly lower homicide rate than Honduras and Venezuela, and the worst homicide rate of any OECD country.
Mexico has improved the bureaucratic efficiency of some of its crime-fighting operations, but there are still huge problems. These problems include a lack of bureaucratic cooperation, rampant corruption within the security apparatus, the immense scale of criminal activity in Mexico and the infiltration of law enforcement agencies by organized crime. The National Security Commission has argued that the low wages paid to the security forces is one reason for this situation. Thus, one can say that internal security policy does not effectively protect citizens. This explains the proliferation of self-defense groups throughout the country and a lack of trust in the authorities, which are – especially at the local level – frequently infiltrated by organized crime.
More worrying still, the judicial system is not designed to convict powerful and wealthy criminals. It is too difficult to convict criminal suspects in Mexico who can afford expensive lawyers. Additionally, Mexico has suffered several public scandals which have further damaged public confidence in the authorities. These scandals include prison escapes by high-profile criminals and unexplained massacres in rural areas. In at least part of its territory, Mexico is a failed state.
One of the most important promises made by President López Obrador was to reduce the militarization of the fight against the drug cartels. Nevertheless, in November 2018, López Obrador announced a plan to create a national guard, which was to number 150,000 armed men at the end of his term in 2023. It is supposed to act as an “interinstitutional coordination body” between the military and police. However, it seems that despite the reform, the security situation under López Obrador has not improved, and may get even more out of control in the near future.
Citations:
http://secretariadoejecutivo.gob.mx/docs/pdfs/cifras%20de%20homicidio%20doloso%20secuestro%20etc/HDSECEXTRV_062017.pdf
https://elpais.com/internacional/2019/06/30/mexico/1561915360_336017.html
https://www.bbc.com/mundo/noticias-america-latina-50100518
Mexico has improved the bureaucratic efficiency of some of its crime-fighting operations, but there are still huge problems. These problems include a lack of bureaucratic cooperation, rampant corruption within the security apparatus, the immense scale of criminal activity in Mexico and the infiltration of law enforcement agencies by organized crime. The National Security Commission has argued that the low wages paid to the security forces is one reason for this situation. Thus, one can say that internal security policy does not effectively protect citizens. This explains the proliferation of self-defense groups throughout the country and a lack of trust in the authorities, which are – especially at the local level – frequently infiltrated by organized crime.
More worrying still, the judicial system is not designed to convict powerful and wealthy criminals. It is too difficult to convict criminal suspects in Mexico who can afford expensive lawyers. Additionally, Mexico has suffered several public scandals which have further damaged public confidence in the authorities. These scandals include prison escapes by high-profile criminals and unexplained massacres in rural areas. In at least part of its territory, Mexico is a failed state.
One of the most important promises made by President López Obrador was to reduce the militarization of the fight against the drug cartels. Nevertheless, in November 2018, López Obrador announced a plan to create a national guard, which was to number 150,000 armed men at the end of his term in 2023. It is supposed to act as an “interinstitutional coordination body” between the military and police. However, it seems that despite the reform, the security situation under López Obrador has not improved, and may get even more out of control in the near future.
Citations:
http://secretariadoejecutivo.gob.mx/docs/pdfs/cifras%20de%20homicidio%20doloso%20secuestro%20etc/HDSECEXTRV_062017.pdf
https://elpais.com/internacional/2019/06/30/mexico/1561915360_336017.html
https://www.bbc.com/mundo/noticias-america-latina-50100518
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To what extent does the government demonstrate an active and coherent commitment to promoting equal socioeconomic opportunities in low- and middle-income countries?
10
9
9
The government actively and coherently engages in international efforts to promote equal socioeconomic opportunities in low- and middle-income countries. It frequently demonstrates initiative and responsibility, and acts as an agenda-setter.
8
7
6
7
6
The government actively engages in international efforts to promote equal socioeconomic opportunities in low- and middle-income countries. However, some of its measures or policies lack coherence.
5
4
3
4
3
The government shows limited engagement in international efforts to promote equal socioeconomic opportunities in low- and middle-income countries. Many of its measures or policies lack coherence.
2
1
1
The government does not contribute (and often undermines) efforts to promote equal socioeconomic opportunities in low- and middle-income countries.
Regarding free trade, Mexico is supportive of open trade agreements and actively seeks good relations with any country that might counterbalance its heavy economic dependence on the United States. Mexico has also been active in financing international development, providing modest levels of foreign aid and investing in triangular cooperation. Moreover, foreign policy continues to embrace the topic of south-south-cooperation and supports regional development projects. The Mexican government has also been a supporter of the U.N. Global Goals (Sustainable Development Goals) and Agenda 2030, launched in 2015.
However, Mexico could do more to promote and advance social inclusion beyond its borders. The treatment of Central American immigrants needs to be greatly improved. Diplomatic relations between Mexico and its southern neighbors are very good, but there is room for improvement in trade treaties in the region and Mexico could lead efforts to increase the economic integration and global competitiveness of Latin America. An excessive dependence on trade with the United States has prevented Mexico from looking south.
However, apart from free trade and good relations with the southern neighbors, international relations and Mexico’s actions in multilateral organizations do not play a major role in Mexican politics. For that the internal problems of the country are too urgent.
Citations:
https://www.proceso.com.mx/518235/mexico-ante-la-situacion-internacional-de-2018
However, Mexico could do more to promote and advance social inclusion beyond its borders. The treatment of Central American immigrants needs to be greatly improved. Diplomatic relations between Mexico and its southern neighbors are very good, but there is room for improvement in trade treaties in the region and Mexico could lead efforts to increase the economic integration and global competitiveness of Latin America. An excessive dependence on trade with the United States has prevented Mexico from looking south.
However, apart from free trade and good relations with the southern neighbors, international relations and Mexico’s actions in multilateral organizations do not play a major role in Mexican politics. For that the internal problems of the country are too urgent.
Citations:
https://www.proceso.com.mx/518235/mexico-ante-la-situacion-internacional-de-2018