Social Policies
#40Key Findings
With significant gaps in its safety net, Bulgaria falls into the bottom ranks internationally (rank 40) in the area of social policies. Its score on this measure is unchanged relative to 2014.
The country was hard hit by COVID-19, with a death rate that was among the world’s highest. Vaccination rates were among the lowest in the EU. Before the pandemic, hospital bed and medical staff figures were strong, but management of the healthcare system has been poor. About 20% of the population – and about 55% of the Roma population – does not have health insurance.
There is significant geographic variance in education quality. Children from upper-income families often attend private schools. Poverty rates have fallen substantially over the last decade, but remain very high among Roma. Social policies have difficulties in integrating minorities, foreigners and people with sub-secondary-level education.
Day care enrollment rates are low, with parents often depending on family support networks to provide childcare. The pension system does not effectively reduce poverty among the elderly, and is fiscally unsustainable. No policy for integrating migrants exists, and anti-EU parties have demonized refugees to boost their own popularity.
The country was hard hit by COVID-19, with a death rate that was among the world’s highest. Vaccination rates were among the lowest in the EU. Before the pandemic, hospital bed and medical staff figures were strong, but management of the healthcare system has been poor. About 20% of the population – and about 55% of the Roma population – does not have health insurance.
There is significant geographic variance in education quality. Children from upper-income families often attend private schools. Poverty rates have fallen substantially over the last decade, but remain very high among Roma. Social policies have difficulties in integrating minorities, foreigners and people with sub-secondary-level education.
Day care enrollment rates are low, with parents often depending on family support networks to provide childcare. The pension system does not effectively reduce poverty among the elderly, and is fiscally unsustainable. No policy for integrating migrants exists, and anti-EU parties have demonized refugees to boost their own popularity.
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To what extent does education policy deliver high-quality, equitable and efficient education and training?
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Education policy fully achieves the criteria.
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Education policy largely achieves the criteria.
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Education policy partially achieves the criteria.
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Education policy does not achieve the criteria at all.
Public spending on education is relatively low. According to EUROSTAT, spending on education increased from 3.86% of GDP in 2016 to 4.09% in 2018 but remained significantly below the EU-27 average of 4.64% in 2017 and 4.71% in 2018. In 2019-2021 the state budget financed an increase in primary and secondary school educators’ gross wages by nearly 80%. Total spending on education for this period has been at 3.9-4% of GDP.
The Bulgarian education system has an average to low level of equity. Many children in upper-income families are able to attend private schools, which show better results in the external evaluations after the fourth, seventh and 12th grades. In addition, the school dropout rate among minorities, especially Roma, is significantly higher than the average, meaning that schools do not provide the same opportunities for all ethnic groups. Finally, geographic variance in the quality of the education provided by secondary and tertiary schools is very large, with schools in smaller towns and villages and in less populated areas unable to attract high-quality teaching staff.
In a more positive light, in 2021, Sofia University ranked in 2021 among the world’s top 600 universities (591th).
In the 2018 PISA survey of reading, mathematics and science skills, 15-year old students from Bulgaria scored approximately 20% below the averages of comparable student groups in Poland and Estonia.
The percentage of adults (25-64 years of age) who participate in lifelong learning schemes is about 2%, far below the 10%-11% EU average for 2019 - 2021.
The Bulgarian education system has an average to low level of equity. Many children in upper-income families are able to attend private schools, which show better results in the external evaluations after the fourth, seventh and 12th grades. In addition, the school dropout rate among minorities, especially Roma, is significantly higher than the average, meaning that schools do not provide the same opportunities for all ethnic groups. Finally, geographic variance in the quality of the education provided by secondary and tertiary schools is very large, with schools in smaller towns and villages and in less populated areas unable to attract high-quality teaching staff.
In a more positive light, in 2021, Sofia University ranked in 2021 among the world’s top 600 universities (591th).
In the 2018 PISA survey of reading, mathematics and science skills, 15-year old students from Bulgaria scored approximately 20% below the averages of comparable student groups in Poland and Estonia.
The percentage of adults (25-64 years of age) who participate in lifelong learning schemes is about 2%, far below the 10%-11% EU average for 2019 - 2021.
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To what extent does social policy prevent exclusion and decoupling from society?
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Policies very effectively enable societal inclusion and ensure equal opportunities.
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For the most part, policies enable societal inclusion effectively and ensure equal opportunities.
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For the most part, policies fail to prevent societal exclusion effectively and ensure equal opportunities.
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Policies exacerbate unequal opportunities and exclusion from society.
Marginal gains have been achieved in the last few years with respect to social inclusion. Having reached 41.3 in 2018, the Gini coefficient decreased to 40 by 2020.
Multidimensional poverty headcount percentage declined from 49.2% in 2010 to 32.1% in 2020.
From 2008 to 2022, the national poverty line almost doubled from €107 to €208 per person per month.
The average measures conceal differences between ethnic and age groups. Since 2019, the Roma have had the highest percentage of poor individuals (64.8%).
In general, Bulgaria’s social policy has not sufficiently included and integrated people with lower-than-secondary education, minorities and foreigners (mainly refugees or immigrants). The lack of regional differentiation in the level of the minimum wage and in social security thresholds, the prevailing limits to free business entry and exit, and the performance of the judiciary in the business sphere prevent people in the lowest quintile and in disadvantaged groups from being employed or starting a business. Additionally, there are no policies sufficiently tailored to the integration needs of specific groups such as minorities and immigrants. Another contributing factor to weak social inclusion is the fact that some political actors have a vested interest in keeping certain voter cohorts in a position of dependence, while other political actors bank on the rhetoric of exclusion and marginalization of certain minority groups.
Multidimensional poverty headcount percentage declined from 49.2% in 2010 to 32.1% in 2020.
From 2008 to 2022, the national poverty line almost doubled from €107 to €208 per person per month.
The average measures conceal differences between ethnic and age groups. Since 2019, the Roma have had the highest percentage of poor individuals (64.8%).
In general, Bulgaria’s social policy has not sufficiently included and integrated people with lower-than-secondary education, minorities and foreigners (mainly refugees or immigrants). The lack of regional differentiation in the level of the minimum wage and in social security thresholds, the prevailing limits to free business entry and exit, and the performance of the judiciary in the business sphere prevent people in the lowest quintile and in disadvantaged groups from being employed or starting a business. Additionally, there are no policies sufficiently tailored to the integration needs of specific groups such as minorities and immigrants. Another contributing factor to weak social inclusion is the fact that some political actors have a vested interest in keeping certain voter cohorts in a position of dependence, while other political actors bank on the rhetoric of exclusion and marginalization of certain minority groups.
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To what extent do health care policies provide high-quality, inclusive and cost-efficient health care?
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Health care policy achieves the criteria fully.
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Health care policy achieves the criteria largely.
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Health care policy achieves the criteria partly.
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Health care policy does not achieve the criteria at all.
Bulgaria is similar to other EU countries in terms of how its healthcare system is organized (i.e., it features private and public pillars) and financed (i.e., public spending on the system comprises 4.5% of GDP and private spending comprises 3.5% of GDP). Two features are somewhat specific for Bulgaria: financing is dominated by the National Health Fund (NHF, funded by taxes) and the system involves relatively high (46-47% over the last ten years) out-of-pocket payments (OPP) (NB: OPPs are common among most new EU member states, where the average rate is 25-30%).
As of December 2021, Bulgaria ranked second in the world with regard to COVID-19 deaths per one million population. The 148,000 COVID-related deaths registered in 2021 marks the country’s second-highest number of deaths in one year on record since 1888; this was exceeded only by the 151,000 deaths resulting from war and influenza in 1918. The mortality rate in 2021 (22 deaths per 1,000) was the highest since 1919.
Before COVID-19, Bulgaria had one of the EU’s highest numbers of hospital beds per 1,000 (616.8) and healthcare personnel numbers were also relatively high. However, medical staff in Bulgaria complained during the pandemic of being underpaid and underequipped. Private hospitals were excluded from the COVID-19 response system until February 2021. Throughout most of 2020, public testing and efforts to ensure sufficient supplies, equipment and medicine remained chaotic.
While the situation improved during the second half of 2020, the number of deaths in 2021 exposed several systemic weaknesses in the healthcare system. The overall management of the system, including analysis and healthcare finance statistics, remain poor. Bulgaria had one of the lowest vaccination rates in the EU. Over the last ten years, household spending (above contributions to NHF) on healthcare has grown by 39% – one-fourth of this in the period from 2020 to 2021. Out-of-pocket payments to public and private hospitals is high due in part to the limited accessibility of high quality and timely medical services. Lower income groups are practically excluded from having access to such services. According to estimates, about 20% of the population do not have health insurance and do not contribute to NHF. For some groups such as Roma, the percentage is about 55%. The reasons for this situation are not well studied, but this might be a side-effect of labor market regulations and other factors.
Citations:
[OECD, Bulgaria: Country Health Profile 2019 :https://www.oecd.org/countries/bulgaria/Bulgaria-Country-Health-Profiles-2019-Launch-presentation.pdf
As of December 2021, Bulgaria ranked second in the world with regard to COVID-19 deaths per one million population. The 148,000 COVID-related deaths registered in 2021 marks the country’s second-highest number of deaths in one year on record since 1888; this was exceeded only by the 151,000 deaths resulting from war and influenza in 1918. The mortality rate in 2021 (22 deaths per 1,000) was the highest since 1919.
Before COVID-19, Bulgaria had one of the EU’s highest numbers of hospital beds per 1,000 (616.8) and healthcare personnel numbers were also relatively high. However, medical staff in Bulgaria complained during the pandemic of being underpaid and underequipped. Private hospitals were excluded from the COVID-19 response system until February 2021. Throughout most of 2020, public testing and efforts to ensure sufficient supplies, equipment and medicine remained chaotic.
While the situation improved during the second half of 2020, the number of deaths in 2021 exposed several systemic weaknesses in the healthcare system. The overall management of the system, including analysis and healthcare finance statistics, remain poor. Bulgaria had one of the lowest vaccination rates in the EU. Over the last ten years, household spending (above contributions to NHF) on healthcare has grown by 39% – one-fourth of this in the period from 2020 to 2021. Out-of-pocket payments to public and private hospitals is high due in part to the limited accessibility of high quality and timely medical services. Lower income groups are practically excluded from having access to such services. According to estimates, about 20% of the population do not have health insurance and do not contribute to NHF. For some groups such as Roma, the percentage is about 55%. The reasons for this situation are not well studied, but this might be a side-effect of labor market regulations and other factors.
Citations:
[OECD, Bulgaria: Country Health Profile 2019 :https://www.oecd.org/countries/bulgaria/Bulgaria-Country-Health-Profiles-2019-Launch-presentation.pdf
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To what extent do family support policies enable women to combine parenting with participation in the labor market?
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Family support policies effectively enable women to combine parenting with employment.
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Family support policies provide some support for women who want to combine parenting and employment.
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Family support policies provide only few opportunities for women who want to combine parenting and employment.
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Family support policies force most women to opt for either parenting or employment.
Negative population growth is a challenge with regard to achieving a sustainable family policy in the country. Since the last 2011 census, the population has fallen by 11.5% (2021), and the average family size declined from 2.4 to 2.3 members.
The WEF’s Gender Gap Report of 2021 gives Bulgaria relatively high marks, but it has fallen somewhat as a result of poor educational attainment numbers for women in the country.
In 2021, the tax allowance for raising children was increased to above the national poverty line, to BGN 450 a year for one child, BGN 900 for two, and BGN 1,350 for three kids, no income criteria has been applied since 2020. Maternity leave (including pregnancy) is two years and applies to adopted children.
Other childcare bonuses may be negotiated on a contractual basis with employers. Due to labor shortages, employers are typically flexible in keeping qualified mothers in the firm or the organization. The choice of full or part-time employment schedules for mothers is not exclusively guaranteed but is practiced, especially in high value-added occupations and firms.
Child support: Bulgaria is among the countries with the longest paid maternity leave globally. Whereas the EU average is at 20 weeks, in Bulgaria, paid maternity leave is nearly 100 weeks. Against this background, ahead of the November elections, the parliament voted an increase in the compensation for maternity leave from BGN 380 to 650, starting October 2021. This amount is approximately 75% of a Bulgarian woman’s net salary for 2019 (the latest gender wage statistics); in nine of 28 country districts, the amount of the maternity compensation is 100 or above 100% of female net wage. These policies do not seem to have any impact on demographic trends.
Family networks, and specifically the traditional involvement of grandparents in caring for children, constitute an important source of support that enables parents to be more economically active. This perhaps accounts in part for the relatively low rate of day care enrollment for children below two years of age. It also serves as a safety net for old age family members, because in-family redistribution rage is about 20% of the income.
The WEF’s Gender Gap Report of 2021 gives Bulgaria relatively high marks, but it has fallen somewhat as a result of poor educational attainment numbers for women in the country.
In 2021, the tax allowance for raising children was increased to above the national poverty line, to BGN 450 a year for one child, BGN 900 for two, and BGN 1,350 for three kids, no income criteria has been applied since 2020. Maternity leave (including pregnancy) is two years and applies to adopted children.
Other childcare bonuses may be negotiated on a contractual basis with employers. Due to labor shortages, employers are typically flexible in keeping qualified mothers in the firm or the organization. The choice of full or part-time employment schedules for mothers is not exclusively guaranteed but is practiced, especially in high value-added occupations and firms.
Child support: Bulgaria is among the countries with the longest paid maternity leave globally. Whereas the EU average is at 20 weeks, in Bulgaria, paid maternity leave is nearly 100 weeks. Against this background, ahead of the November elections, the parliament voted an increase in the compensation for maternity leave from BGN 380 to 650, starting October 2021. This amount is approximately 75% of a Bulgarian woman’s net salary for 2019 (the latest gender wage statistics); in nine of 28 country districts, the amount of the maternity compensation is 100 or above 100% of female net wage. These policies do not seem to have any impact on demographic trends.
Family networks, and specifically the traditional involvement of grandparents in caring for children, constitute an important source of support that enables parents to be more economically active. This perhaps accounts in part for the relatively low rate of day care enrollment for children below two years of age. It also serves as a safety net for old age family members, because in-family redistribution rage is about 20% of the income.
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To what extent does pension policy realize goals of poverty prevention, intergenerational equity and fiscal sustainability?
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Pension policy achieves the objectives fully.
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Pension policy achieves the objectives largely.
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Pension policy achieves the objectives partly.
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Pension policy does not achieve the objectives at all.
Bulgaria has a mixed pension system consisting of three pillars: a public pay-as-you-go pillar financed by social insurance contributions, an obligatory fully funded private-pension-fund pillar and a voluntary pillar. The second pillar includes people born after 1959 and is not yet paying out many pensions. However, the second pillar is currently underfunded due to the parliament’s refusal to increase its share in the general contributions as originally envisaged.
In 2020, the second pillar assets were BGN 14 billion, of the total private segment of the pension system – 16.4 billion, or respectively 11.7 and 13.7% of 2021 GDP. This is savings 4.7 million, at 44 average age. The 2021 central budget transfer to SPF (to cover losses and pensions of 1.6 million) was 6% of GDP. This is an indication that toleration of the pay-as-you-go system is unsustainable.
Around 1/3 of those who fall below the national poverty line (currently BGN 413 a month) are pensioners. Their individual situation depends on education (approximately 63% of pensioners with lowest degree of education are poor, 6% of those with university degrees), place of residence (42% in low-populated parts of the country, 26% in highly populated areas) and on ethnic affiliation (60% of Roma, 52% of Turks and 31 of Bulgarian pensioners are poor).
The above mentioned within family intergenerational income redistribution does not improve the condition of pensioners without children and single pensioners. They are eligible beneficiaries of the social aid policies financed by the state budget. If the 2021 planned increase of the GMI materializes, about 140,000 pensioners will be lifted above the national poverty line.
Citations:
Financial Supervision Commission, Statistics and Analysis, 2021 (https://www.fsc.bg/en/markets/social-insurance-market/statistics/statistics-and-analysis/2021/)
NSI, Material Deprivation by Age and Sex (https://infostat.nsi.bg/infostat/pages/reports/result.jsf?x_2=260)
In 2020, the second pillar assets were BGN 14 billion, of the total private segment of the pension system – 16.4 billion, or respectively 11.7 and 13.7% of 2021 GDP. This is savings 4.7 million, at 44 average age. The 2021 central budget transfer to SPF (to cover losses and pensions of 1.6 million) was 6% of GDP. This is an indication that toleration of the pay-as-you-go system is unsustainable.
Around 1/3 of those who fall below the national poverty line (currently BGN 413 a month) are pensioners. Their individual situation depends on education (approximately 63% of pensioners with lowest degree of education are poor, 6% of those with university degrees), place of residence (42% in low-populated parts of the country, 26% in highly populated areas) and on ethnic affiliation (60% of Roma, 52% of Turks and 31 of Bulgarian pensioners are poor).
The above mentioned within family intergenerational income redistribution does not improve the condition of pensioners without children and single pensioners. They are eligible beneficiaries of the social aid policies financed by the state budget. If the 2021 planned increase of the GMI materializes, about 140,000 pensioners will be lifted above the national poverty line.
Citations:
Financial Supervision Commission, Statistics and Analysis, 2021 (https://www.fsc.bg/en/markets/social-insurance-market/statistics/statistics-and-analysis/2021/)
NSI, Material Deprivation by Age and Sex (https://infostat.nsi.bg/infostat/pages/reports/result.jsf?x_2=260)
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How effectively do policies support the integration of migrants into society?
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Cultural, education and social policies effectively support the integration of migrants into society.
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Cultural, education and social policies seek to integrate migrants into society, but have failed to do so effectively.
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Cultural, education and social policies do not focus on integrating migrants into society.
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Cultural, education and social policies segregate migrant communities from the majority society.
According to official NSI statistics, Bulgaria registered 6,600 emigrants and 37,400 immigrants in 2020, showing a shift toward positive net migration. Among those migrating to Bulgaria, 34.2% are aged 20 – 39, 32.3% are aged 40 to 59 years, and 13.6% are under 20 years of age. For Bulgarians migrating to other countries, Germany (22.2%), the Russian Federation (14.6%) and Turkey (13%) are the preferred destination countries.
Although immigration offers clear potential benefits to the economy, Bulgaria does not have a developed policy for integrating migrants.
Integration policies in the country can be illustrated by the recent refugee crises. During the Kosovo crises of 1999, the government of Bulgaria refused to allow refugees entry into the country. Some 9,000 refugees, mostly from Iraq and Afghanistan, were nonetheless allowed to immigrate in 1999. A targeted study then proved that these immigrants arrived with savings that exceeded the amount of money needed for accommodations and legal processing.
The refugee influx related to the war in Syria brought nearly 22,000 refugees to the country (of which some 2,000 remained), but xenophobic politicians and anti-EU parties used this statistically insignificant case to boost their popularity.
In fact, the number of illegal stays in the country declined from 9,267 in 2016 to 2,053 in 2020.
Refugees typically receive temporary shelter from the National Refugee Agency throughout the period of time it takes to formalize a legal stay. After this period, they tend to seek support from others in the diaspora, and many strive to integrate, with a dozen NGOs in Bulgaria that aim to help them with this.
After 2001, the number of immigrants who settled in Bulgaria increased by 240%, but their share among the population is at 4$ the lowest in the EU.
Citations:
NSI, POPULATION AND DEMOGRAPHIC PROCESSES IN 2020 (https://www.nsi.bg/sites/default/files/files/pressreleases/Population2020_en_IVGTQG5.pdf)
NSI, POPULATION AND DEMOGRAPHIC PROCESSES IN 2007-2020 (https://infostat.nsi.bg/infostat/pages/module.jsf?x_2=38)
Bulgarian Helsinki Committee, Country Report: Bulgaria, Asylum Information Database, 2021 (https://asylumineurope.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/AIDA-BG_2020update.pdf)
Center for Legal Aid: Voice of Bulgarian, European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) found Bulgaria in violation of Article 3 and Article 13 of the European Convention on Human Rights for unlawfully returning a Turkish citizen, July 22, 2021 (https://www.centerforlegalaid.com/en/news/evropeiskijat-syd-po-pravata-na-choveka-espch-osydi-bylgarija-za-nezakonosyobrazno-vryshtane-na-turski-grajdanin-kym-turcija-102/1)
Although immigration offers clear potential benefits to the economy, Bulgaria does not have a developed policy for integrating migrants.
Integration policies in the country can be illustrated by the recent refugee crises. During the Kosovo crises of 1999, the government of Bulgaria refused to allow refugees entry into the country. Some 9,000 refugees, mostly from Iraq and Afghanistan, were nonetheless allowed to immigrate in 1999. A targeted study then proved that these immigrants arrived with savings that exceeded the amount of money needed for accommodations and legal processing.
The refugee influx related to the war in Syria brought nearly 22,000 refugees to the country (of which some 2,000 remained), but xenophobic politicians and anti-EU parties used this statistically insignificant case to boost their popularity.
In fact, the number of illegal stays in the country declined from 9,267 in 2016 to 2,053 in 2020.
Refugees typically receive temporary shelter from the National Refugee Agency throughout the period of time it takes to formalize a legal stay. After this period, they tend to seek support from others in the diaspora, and many strive to integrate, with a dozen NGOs in Bulgaria that aim to help them with this.
After 2001, the number of immigrants who settled in Bulgaria increased by 240%, but their share among the population is at 4$ the lowest in the EU.
Citations:
NSI, POPULATION AND DEMOGRAPHIC PROCESSES IN 2020 (https://www.nsi.bg/sites/default/files/files/pressreleases/Population2020_en_IVGTQG5.pdf)
NSI, POPULATION AND DEMOGRAPHIC PROCESSES IN 2007-2020 (https://infostat.nsi.bg/infostat/pages/module.jsf?x_2=38)
Bulgarian Helsinki Committee, Country Report: Bulgaria, Asylum Information Database, 2021 (https://asylumineurope.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/AIDA-BG_2020update.pdf)
Center for Legal Aid: Voice of Bulgarian, European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) found Bulgaria in violation of Article 3 and Article 13 of the European Convention on Human Rights for unlawfully returning a Turkish citizen, July 22, 2021 (https://www.centerforlegalaid.com/en/news/evropeiskijat-syd-po-pravata-na-choveka-espch-osydi-bylgarija-za-nezakonosyobrazno-vryshtane-na-turski-grajdanin-kym-turcija-102/1)
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How effectively does internal security policy protect citizens against security risks?
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Internal security policy protects citizens against security risks very effectively.
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Internal security policy protects citizens against security risks more or less effectively.
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Internal security policy does not effectively protect citizens against security risks.
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Internal security policy exacerbates the security risks.
Most citizens live in relative safety, and crime statistics have improved. Citizens and private providers of security services are addressing the risks. Since the mid-1990s, private guards have outnumbered police staff three or four to one. Compared with most of its neighbors and other new EU members, Bulgaria performs relatively well in terms of its violent crime and suicide rates. According to the Global Terrorism Database, Bulgaria also ranks relatively well compared to its neighbors.
In 2020 and 2021, internal security policy focused primarily on ensuring a stable environment for the various elections to be held. A late summer 2020 demonstration against Borisov’s cabinet was subject to unprovoked police brutality. The caretaker cabinets of 2021 sanctioned most of the officers who had reacted with violence.
Citations:
Jones, J. (2018): The European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) and the Council of Europe Convention on Violence Against Women and Domestic Violence (Istanbul Convention), in: R. Manjoo, J. Jones (eds.), The Legal Protection of Women From Violence: Normative Gaps in International Law. London/ New York: Routledge, pp. 147-173.
In 2020 and 2021, internal security policy focused primarily on ensuring a stable environment for the various elections to be held. A late summer 2020 demonstration against Borisov’s cabinet was subject to unprovoked police brutality. The caretaker cabinets of 2021 sanctioned most of the officers who had reacted with violence.
Citations:
Jones, J. (2018): The European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) and the Council of Europe Convention on Violence Against Women and Domestic Violence (Istanbul Convention), in: R. Manjoo, J. Jones (eds.), The Legal Protection of Women From Violence: Normative Gaps in International Law. London/ New York: Routledge, pp. 147-173.
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To what extent does the government demonstrate an active and coherent commitment to promoting equal socioeconomic opportunities in low- and middle-income countries?
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The government actively and coherently engages in international efforts to promote equal socioeconomic opportunities in low- and middle-income countries. It frequently demonstrates initiative and responsibility, and acts as an agenda-setter.
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The government actively engages in international efforts to promote equal socioeconomic opportunities in low- and middle-income countries. However, some of its measures or policies lack coherence.
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The government shows limited engagement in international efforts to promote equal socioeconomic opportunities in low- and middle-income countries. Many of its measures or policies lack coherence.
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The government does not contribute (and often undermines) efforts to promote equal socioeconomic opportunities in low- and middle-income countries.
The promotion of equal socioeconomic opportunities in developing countries has not been considered a priority issue by policymakers and public opinion in Bulgaria. However, Bulgaria does not resort to protectionist trade barriers beyond those imposed by the European Union, and does not impede or attempt to undermine efforts by the international community to promote equal opportunities in developing countries. In 2020 and 2021, Bulgaria committed to providing official development assistance (ODA) on the order of 0.11% of the country’s GNI. In 2021, 35% of this was directed at the Western Balkans, 30% at the Black Sea region and 10% toward Afghanistan, Iraq, Mongolia and Vietnam, with the remaining 15% covering administrative costs.