Do members of the legislature possess sufficient personnel and structural resources to effectively monitor government activities?
As a group, legislative members have access to a range of resources that are suited for effectively monitoring all government activity.
10
Finland
In Finland, the parliament has full control over its resources, allowing it to finance its own operations. The legislature has resources such as deputy expert staff and administrative support staff (legislative libraries and legislative research units). It also has monetary allowances allocated for conducting independent research. This includes parliamentary committees, which can commission small-scale research projects. The legislative research unit consistently produces reports and studies.
The Information Service of the Library of Parliament offers resources for accessing information related to law, social sciences and parliamentary matters. The Information Service conducts thorough information searches within these domains, utilizing the library’s collections, international organization materials and EU resources, serving legislators, their advisers and the general public. The focus is on empowering clients to independently discover and utilize parliamentary documents, statutes, legal cases, and materials from the EU and international organizations. Additionally, the center offers self-service access to databases.
The Library of Parliament offers an “Ask a Librarian” online reference inquiry service. The staff provide hands-on guidance tailored to specific needs, covering topics such as library and archive collections, electronic materials, and information sources across various subjects. Personal training sessions, lasting about an hour, can be conducted in person or through remote access applications such as Microsoft Teams.
The Information Service of the Library of Parliament offers resources for accessing information related to law, social sciences and parliamentary matters. The Information Service conducts thorough information searches within these domains, utilizing the library’s collections, international organization materials and EU resources, serving legislators, their advisers and the general public. The focus is on empowering clients to independently discover and utilize parliamentary documents, statutes, legal cases, and materials from the EU and international organizations. Additionally, the center offers self-service access to databases.
The Library of Parliament offers an “Ask a Librarian” online reference inquiry service. The staff provide hands-on guidance tailored to specific needs, covering topics such as library and archive collections, electronic materials, and information sources across various subjects. Personal training sessions, lasting about an hour, can be conducted in person or through remote access applications such as Microsoft Teams.
Citations:
Parliament Information Service, https://www.eduskunta.fi/EN/naineduskuntatoimii/kirjasto/palvelut/tietopalvelu/Pages/default.aspx
Parliament Information Service, https://www.eduskunta.fi/EN/naineduskuntatoimii/kirjasto/palvelut/tietopalvelu/Pages/default.aspx
Germany
The legislature in Germany includes the Federal Parliament (Bundestag), the state parliaments (Landtage), and the Federal Council (Bundesrat).
The finances of the Bundestag and the Bundesrat are part of the federal budget. For 2023, €1.141 billion was allocated for parliament, constituting 0.24% of the overall budget. The budget for the Council was set at €39.7 million, which is 0.01% of the total budget (Bundesministerium der Finanzen, 2023). According to the V-Dem Index (2023) score of 0.99, the legislature controls the resources that finance its internal operations and the perquisites of its members.
While the federal budget is designed by the Federal Ministry of Finance and decided on by the government, parliament holds the budgetary right, meaning the budget draft must secure a majority in parliament. Consequently, the budget must be submitted to the Bundestag and Bundesrat for discussion and frequent revision before it can take effect (Deutscher Bundestag, n.d.). The budgeting process at the state level follows the same procedure.
The Bundestag has additional resources in the form of administrative support staff, totaling 3,200 employees. The administration consists of multiple departments. For example, the central division of the administration is responsible for financial and personnel resources. Specifically, it draws up the budget and financial plan and handles public procurement. This means that the legislative body exercises control over its own resources.
Additionally, as part of the administration, the Bundestag has a library and documentation directorate responsible for collecting documents necessary for parliamentary work starting from 1949. Furthermore, the Bundestag has a research service directorate, which is divided into ten thematic research sections. These research sections are intended to strengthen the decision-making ability of individual members of parliament and parliamentary committees in the legislative process by compiling and preparing information in a way that covers, if possible, all opinions or alternatives on an issue (Deutscher Bundestag, 2023a).
According to the federal budget for 2023, the legislature has approximately €4.5 million allocated to parliamentary committees and citizens’ councils. However, the budget does not make it clear how much of that allowance is spent on independent research (Bundesministerium der Finanzen, 2023).
Even though the exact monetary allowance available for the research unit is unclear, the legislative research unit produces a significant number of reports each month. For instance, in October 2022, 28 reports were published, while in September, the different thematic units published 59 reports. Moreover, the research unit provides internal briefing documents to parliamentarians. Nevertheless, most of the publications were reports and not studies (Deutscher Bundestag, 2023b).
The finances of the Bundestag and the Bundesrat are part of the federal budget. For 2023, €1.141 billion was allocated for parliament, constituting 0.24% of the overall budget. The budget for the Council was set at €39.7 million, which is 0.01% of the total budget (Bundesministerium der Finanzen, 2023). According to the V-Dem Index (2023) score of 0.99, the legislature controls the resources that finance its internal operations and the perquisites of its members.
While the federal budget is designed by the Federal Ministry of Finance and decided on by the government, parliament holds the budgetary right, meaning the budget draft must secure a majority in parliament. Consequently, the budget must be submitted to the Bundestag and Bundesrat for discussion and frequent revision before it can take effect (Deutscher Bundestag, n.d.). The budgeting process at the state level follows the same procedure.
The Bundestag has additional resources in the form of administrative support staff, totaling 3,200 employees. The administration consists of multiple departments. For example, the central division of the administration is responsible for financial and personnel resources. Specifically, it draws up the budget and financial plan and handles public procurement. This means that the legislative body exercises control over its own resources.
Additionally, as part of the administration, the Bundestag has a library and documentation directorate responsible for collecting documents necessary for parliamentary work starting from 1949. Furthermore, the Bundestag has a research service directorate, which is divided into ten thematic research sections. These research sections are intended to strengthen the decision-making ability of individual members of parliament and parliamentary committees in the legislative process by compiling and preparing information in a way that covers, if possible, all opinions or alternatives on an issue (Deutscher Bundestag, 2023a).
According to the federal budget for 2023, the legislature has approximately €4.5 million allocated to parliamentary committees and citizens’ councils. However, the budget does not make it clear how much of that allowance is spent on independent research (Bundesministerium der Finanzen, 2023).
Even though the exact monetary allowance available for the research unit is unclear, the legislative research unit produces a significant number of reports each month. For instance, in October 2022, 28 reports were published, while in September, the different thematic units published 59 reports. Moreover, the research unit provides internal briefing documents to parliamentarians. Nevertheless, most of the publications were reports and not studies (Deutscher Bundestag, 2023b).
Citations:
Bundesministerium der Finanzen. 2023. “Sollwerte des Haushalts 2024.” https://www.bundeshaushalt.de/DE/Bundeshaushalt-digital/bundeshaushalt-digital.html
Deutscher Bundestag. n.d. “Der Bundeshaushalt.” https://www.bundestag.de/parlament/aufgaben/haushalt_neu
Deutscher Bundestag. 2023. “Die Verwaltung des Deutschen Bundestages.” https://www.bundestag.de/parlament/verwaltung
Deutscher Bundestag. 2023. “Dokumente, Gutachten und Ausarbeitungen.” https://www.bundestag.de/analysen
Varieties of Democracy. 2023. “Variable Graph.” https://v-dem.net/data_analysis/VariableGraph/
Bundesministerium der Finanzen. 2023. “Sollwerte des Haushalts 2024.” https://www.bundeshaushalt.de/DE/Bundeshaushalt-digital/bundeshaushalt-digital.html
Deutscher Bundestag. n.d. “Der Bundeshaushalt.” https://www.bundestag.de/parlament/aufgaben/haushalt_neu
Deutscher Bundestag. 2023. “Die Verwaltung des Deutschen Bundestages.” https://www.bundestag.de/parlament/verwaltung
Deutscher Bundestag. 2023. “Dokumente, Gutachten und Ausarbeitungen.” https://www.bundestag.de/analysen
Varieties of Democracy. 2023. “Variable Graph.” https://v-dem.net/data_analysis/VariableGraph/
Sweden
The Riksdag Administration (Riksdagsförvaltningen) has a staff of about 700 employees and is a public agency tasked with providing administrative support and services to the members of the Swedish parliament (Sveriges Riksdag 2023). These services include providing expert knowledge as a basis for policy decisions. The agency is also mandated to ensure that the Riksdag constitutes a good work environment.
Riksdagsförvaltningen is responsible for a range of tasks, including communicating the Riksdag’s work to the public and maintaining the buildings and artifacts it houses. Reports drafted by Riksdagsförvaltningen are available upon request.
Riksdagsförvaltningen is responsible for a range of tasks, including communicating the Riksdag’s work to the public and maintaining the buildings and artifacts it houses. Reports drafted by Riksdagsförvaltningen are available upon request.
Citations:
Sveriges Riksdag. 2023. “The Riksdag Administration.” https://www.riksdagen.se/en/how-the-riksdag-works/the-riksdag-administration/#the-council-for-members-affairs-02
Sveriges Riksdag. 2023. “The Riksdag Administration.” https://www.riksdagen.se/en/how-the-riksdag-works/the-riksdag-administration/#the-council-for-members-affairs-02
USA
The United States is an example of a system with a “strong” legislature (Polsby 1968). The executive branch has little control over Congress.
Congress accrues its own financial resources, sets its own operational rules, can sit at a manner and time of its choosing, and allocate time to legislation as it sees fit. Congress has the legal authority to compel members of the executive branch to provide evidence and testimony and can even imprison individuals who resist its subpoenas (Kornberg 2023). Until a century ago, Congress held prisoners in the Capitol building, but now it allows penalties to be determined through the courts (Jones et al. 2019). For example, in January 2024, Peter Navarro, an adviser to President Donald Trump, was sentenced to four months in prison for failing to adhere to a subpoena from the House of Representatives to testify about the Jan. 6, 2021, attacks on the U.S. Capitol.
Congress has extraordinary legislative powers (Johnson 2020). The president’s signature is not required for legislation to go into effect. If the president fails to sign a bill within ten days (excluding Sundays) of its passage by both houses, it will become law without his signature. A president can try to prevent a bill from becoming law by vetoing it, but if two-thirds of each chamber override the president’s veto, the bill will become law anyway. This enables Congress to pass legislation that might be opposed by the president. Although this happens rarely in practice, in theory, Congress could pass transformative legislation even if the president did not support it.
In addition, the Senate has the special power to block the president’s appointments to the federal judiciary and executive branches (Swift 2019). This is an extraordinarily powerful authority, which the Senate regularly uses to stymie presidents. For example, a president cannot even reshuffle a Cabinet without the Senate’s votes for each individual change, making such changes within the executive branch rare during a president’s term (Mayhew 2005).
Congress accrues its own financial resources, sets its own operational rules, can sit at a manner and time of its choosing, and allocate time to legislation as it sees fit. Congress has the legal authority to compel members of the executive branch to provide evidence and testimony and can even imprison individuals who resist its subpoenas (Kornberg 2023). Until a century ago, Congress held prisoners in the Capitol building, but now it allows penalties to be determined through the courts (Jones et al. 2019). For example, in January 2024, Peter Navarro, an adviser to President Donald Trump, was sentenced to four months in prison for failing to adhere to a subpoena from the House of Representatives to testify about the Jan. 6, 2021, attacks on the U.S. Capitol.
Congress has extraordinary legislative powers (Johnson 2020). The president’s signature is not required for legislation to go into effect. If the president fails to sign a bill within ten days (excluding Sundays) of its passage by both houses, it will become law without his signature. A president can try to prevent a bill from becoming law by vetoing it, but if two-thirds of each chamber override the president’s veto, the bill will become law anyway. This enables Congress to pass legislation that might be opposed by the president. Although this happens rarely in practice, in theory, Congress could pass transformative legislation even if the president did not support it.
In addition, the Senate has the special power to block the president’s appointments to the federal judiciary and executive branches (Swift 2019). This is an extraordinarily powerful authority, which the Senate regularly uses to stymie presidents. For example, a president cannot even reshuffle a Cabinet without the Senate’s votes for each individual change, making such changes within the executive branch rare during a president’s term (Mayhew 2005).
Citations:
Bryan Jones, Sean Theriault, and Michelle Whyman. 2019. The Great Broadening. Chicago: Chapter 9 – ‘The Administrative State and Its Legislative Oversight.’
David Mayhew. 2005. Divided We Govern. 2nd ed. New Haven: Yale University Press.
Elaine Swift. 1996. The Making of an American Senate. Michigan: University of Michigan Press.
Nelson Polsby. 1968. “The Institutionalization of the US House of Representatives.” American Political Science Review.
Richard Johnson. 2020. The End of the Second Reconstruction. Cambridge: Polity.
Bryan Jones, Sean Theriault, and Michelle Whyman. 2019. The Great Broadening. Chicago: Chapter 9 – ‘The Administrative State and Its Legislative Oversight.’
David Mayhew. 2005. Divided We Govern. 2nd ed. New Haven: Yale University Press.
Elaine Swift. 1996. The Making of an American Senate. Michigan: University of Michigan Press.
Nelson Polsby. 1968. “The Institutionalization of the US House of Representatives.” American Political Science Review.
Richard Johnson. 2020. The End of the Second Reconstruction. Cambridge: Polity.
9
Belgium
Belgium is a parliamentary democracy where the government relies on the support of parliament to function. De jure, the legislature has full authority to monitor and constrain government actions. It can summon ministers and experts, and propose legislation without needing government approval. Parliament frequently establishes special committees or investigative commissions (commissions d’enquête) for in-depth investigations. Since the government is often a coalition of parties holding a parliamentary majority, members of parliament typically play predictable roles: coalition members defend the government’s actions, while opposition members criticize nearly every action. This dynamic is not unique to Belgium and is a common feature of parliamentary democracies (Sieberer 2020; Bäck et al. 2022).
Recurring tensions within coalition parties have facilitated the work of the opposition, enhancing parliament’s capacity to monitor government actions. Not all coalition partners are always willing to defend the actions of a single minister. While Belgium is generally considered an average-to-good performer in legislative oversight (Bäck et al. 2022, Fig. 5), recent performance has been above this long-term average.
Members of parliament are sometimes criticized for having excessive budgets and personnel, with several MPs using their resources to support their parties. MPs are also expected to transfer some of their wages to their party.
Recurring tensions within coalition parties have facilitated the work of the opposition, enhancing parliament’s capacity to monitor government actions. Not all coalition partners are always willing to defend the actions of a single minister. While Belgium is generally considered an average-to-good performer in legislative oversight (Bäck et al. 2022, Fig. 5), recent performance has been above this long-term average.
Members of parliament are sometimes criticized for having excessive budgets and personnel, with several MPs using their resources to support their parties. MPs are also expected to transfer some of their wages to their party.
Citations:
Bäck, H., Müller, W. C., Angelova, M., and Strobl, D. 2022. “Ministerial Autonomy, Parliamentary Scrutiny and Government Reform Output in Parliamentary Democracies.” Comparative Political Studies 55 (2): 254-286. https://doi.org/10.1177/00104140211024312
Sieberer, U. 2020. “Party Unity in Parliamentary Democracies: A Comparative Analysis.” In _The Impact of Legislatures_, eds. Olivier Rozenberg and Shane Martin, 141-169. Abington: Routledge.
https://www.standaard.be/cnt/dmf20190307_04238571
https://www.standaard.be/cnt/dmf20190704_04494384
Bäck, H., Müller, W. C., Angelova, M., and Strobl, D. 2022. “Ministerial Autonomy, Parliamentary Scrutiny and Government Reform Output in Parliamentary Democracies.” Comparative Political Studies 55 (2): 254-286. https://doi.org/10.1177/00104140211024312
Sieberer, U. 2020. “Party Unity in Parliamentary Democracies: A Comparative Analysis.” In _The Impact of Legislatures_, eds. Olivier Rozenberg and Shane Martin, 141-169. Abington: Routledge.
https://www.standaard.be/cnt/dmf20190307_04238571
https://www.standaard.be/cnt/dmf20190704_04494384
Czechia
The parliament has resources to conduct its legislative work. The Office of the Chamber provides professional administrative and technical support for the deputies. Additionally, legislators have access to a parliamentary library. Legislation is prepared in parliamentary committees; currently, there are 18 committees. The parliament can also establish ad hoc and investigative committees. All parties and movements form political clubs.
Citations:
Czech parliament. https://www.psp.cz/sqw/hp.sqw?k=2000
Library of the Czech parliament. https://www.psp.cz/sqw/hp.sqw?k=181
Czech parliament. https://www.psp.cz/sqw/hp.sqw?k=2000
Library of the Czech parliament. https://www.psp.cz/sqw/hp.sqw?k=181
Denmark
Work in the Danish parliament is organized in committees structured to mirror the line ministries. The Danish legislature is strong compared to other parliaments and is consistently ranked as the most powerful in Western Europe (Binderkrantz 2015). This power partly explains why minority governments are comparatively common, as opposition parties can expect to secure policy concessions even if they are not formally part of the government (Strøm 2022).
There are three readings of a proposal in committees, during which the committee can request information and summon expert opinions to clarify any unclear issues. Furthermore, according to the Standing Orders of the Danish parliament, at least 30 days must pass from the time a law is proposed until it is passed. This measure is intended to give parliament time to scrutinize the proposal. Thus, committees effectively serve as a monitoring mechanism that allows opposition parties to scrutinize government proposals.
The Danish parliamentary groups (parties) are well funded. A parliamentary group, defined as a group containing four or more members, receives DKK 4.1 million per year. Additionally, the group is allocated DKK 1.5 million annually for expert advice. Each member of parliament is provided approximately DKK 850,000 each year to seek individual advice (Danish Parliament 2023). Moreover, members of parliament earn the right to pay for further education that might help them in their parliamentary career or if they are not reelected.
There are three readings of a proposal in committees, during which the committee can request information and summon expert opinions to clarify any unclear issues. Furthermore, according to the Standing Orders of the Danish parliament, at least 30 days must pass from the time a law is proposed until it is passed. This measure is intended to give parliament time to scrutinize the proposal. Thus, committees effectively serve as a monitoring mechanism that allows opposition parties to scrutinize government proposals.
The Danish parliamentary groups (parties) are well funded. A parliamentary group, defined as a group containing four or more members, receives DKK 4.1 million per year. Additionally, the group is allocated DKK 1.5 million annually for expert advice. Each member of parliament is provided approximately DKK 850,000 each year to seek individual advice (Danish Parliament 2023). Moreover, members of parliament earn the right to pay for further education that might help them in their parliamentary career or if they are not reelected.
Citations:
Danish Parliament. 2023. https://www.ft.dk/da/partier/om-politiske-partier/gruppestoette-og-regnskaber#180037B74C7A413C877CC45EEA9A1B41
Martin, et al. 2023. Legislative Resources, Corruption, and Incumbency. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Strøm, K. 2022. A Land of Minority Governments. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Danish Parliament. 2023. https://www.ft.dk/da/partier/om-politiske-partier/gruppestoette-og-regnskaber#180037B74C7A413C877CC45EEA9A1B41
Martin, et al. 2023. Legislative Resources, Corruption, and Incumbency. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Strøm, K. 2022. A Land of Minority Governments. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Italy
The Italian parliament has a symmetrical structure with two houses, the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate, both elected by the people. Both houses have the same powers in terms of lawmaking and control over the executive branch. Each house of the Italian parliament enjoys considerable independence, with its own internal rules governing its operations, including administrative, financial, and even judicial matters (known as autodichia). This autonomy is established in the Italian constitution (Article 64).
In line with these principles, two distinct bureaucratic bodies, fully autonomous from the executive branch’s bureaucracy and from each other (except for recently expanded collaborative efforts), currently serve the two houses. Gianniti and Lupo (2023) report 1,042 employees in the Chamber of Deputies and 585 in the Senate, divided between senior officials, stenographers, documentalists, secretaries and assistants. These figures encompass all full-time, permanent employees recruited through public competition and directly hired by the administration. The number of permanent staff is significantly reduced compared to the past due to the empowerment of the executive following attempts to shift the Italian political system toward majoritarianism.
In addition to the permanent staff, which is generally characterized by a high qualitative level, there are also employees hired directly by parliamentary groups – whose funds have been increased to compensate for the end of parties’ public funding – and individual members of parliament. The recruitment processes for these positions are less transparent and regulated, often relying on informal arrangements.
The two parliamentary administrations play a crucial role in supporting the legislative and oversight functions of the Italian parliament. They provide technical, legal, procedural, documentary, and administrative assistance to both houses of parliament. These administrations operate independently and impartially, adhering to the principles of autonomy and fairness.
Both chambers of the Italian parliament are equipped with specialized units dedicated to providing parliamentarians with the necessary documentation to carry out their duties effectively. Alongside the resources offered by the two parliamentary libraries and historical archives, parliamentarians can access the House and Senate Research Departments. These departments compile comprehensive documentation that accompanies and explains the contents of each bill under consideration in parliament. These resources empower members of parliament, particularly those from opposition parties, to scrutinize the information presented by the executive. Research departments periodically produce reports on legislation.
For in-depth technical assessments of the budgetary implications of proposed legislation, the Italian parliament relies on the expertise of the State Budget Departments in the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate. These departments evaluate the financial impact of bills, amendments, and other laws. Additionally, the Parliamentary Budget Office, established in 2014 following the 2012 constitutional amendment introducing the principle of budget balance, provides specialized analysis and support to Parliament. Operating within parliament with a high degree of independence, the Parliamentary Budget Office maintains its administrative structure, distinct from the two parliamentary departments.
While parliamentarians have significant resources available for effectively monitoring the executive, members of parliament do not always fully utilize them, often opting for more politically visible disputes instead.
Since a 2020 constitutional amendment, the Italian Senate comprises a total of 200 elected (reduced from 315) and so-called life senators, who are appointed for life. The Chamber of Deputies has also been reduced, from 630 to 400 deputies, starting with the 19th legislative term in October 2022. Before this constitutional reform, members of parliament were members of only one committee; however, beginning with the 19th legislature, they may be required to serve on multiple committees. Consequently, the workload of members of parliament within committees is expected to increase, potentially reducing the effectiveness of legislative action and oversight.
In line with these principles, two distinct bureaucratic bodies, fully autonomous from the executive branch’s bureaucracy and from each other (except for recently expanded collaborative efforts), currently serve the two houses. Gianniti and Lupo (2023) report 1,042 employees in the Chamber of Deputies and 585 in the Senate, divided between senior officials, stenographers, documentalists, secretaries and assistants. These figures encompass all full-time, permanent employees recruited through public competition and directly hired by the administration. The number of permanent staff is significantly reduced compared to the past due to the empowerment of the executive following attempts to shift the Italian political system toward majoritarianism.
In addition to the permanent staff, which is generally characterized by a high qualitative level, there are also employees hired directly by parliamentary groups – whose funds have been increased to compensate for the end of parties’ public funding – and individual members of parliament. The recruitment processes for these positions are less transparent and regulated, often relying on informal arrangements.
The two parliamentary administrations play a crucial role in supporting the legislative and oversight functions of the Italian parliament. They provide technical, legal, procedural, documentary, and administrative assistance to both houses of parliament. These administrations operate independently and impartially, adhering to the principles of autonomy and fairness.
Both chambers of the Italian parliament are equipped with specialized units dedicated to providing parliamentarians with the necessary documentation to carry out their duties effectively. Alongside the resources offered by the two parliamentary libraries and historical archives, parliamentarians can access the House and Senate Research Departments. These departments compile comprehensive documentation that accompanies and explains the contents of each bill under consideration in parliament. These resources empower members of parliament, particularly those from opposition parties, to scrutinize the information presented by the executive. Research departments periodically produce reports on legislation.
For in-depth technical assessments of the budgetary implications of proposed legislation, the Italian parliament relies on the expertise of the State Budget Departments in the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate. These departments evaluate the financial impact of bills, amendments, and other laws. Additionally, the Parliamentary Budget Office, established in 2014 following the 2012 constitutional amendment introducing the principle of budget balance, provides specialized analysis and support to Parliament. Operating within parliament with a high degree of independence, the Parliamentary Budget Office maintains its administrative structure, distinct from the two parliamentary departments.
While parliamentarians have significant resources available for effectively monitoring the executive, members of parliament do not always fully utilize them, often opting for more politically visible disputes instead.
Since a 2020 constitutional amendment, the Italian Senate comprises a total of 200 elected (reduced from 315) and so-called life senators, who are appointed for life. The Chamber of Deputies has also been reduced, from 630 to 400 deputies, starting with the 19th legislative term in October 2022. Before this constitutional reform, members of parliament were members of only one committee; however, beginning with the 19th legislature, they may be required to serve on multiple committees. Consequently, the workload of members of parliament within committees is expected to increase, potentially reducing the effectiveness of legislative action and oversight.
Citations:
Gianniti, Luigi, and Nicola Lupo. 2023. “Italy’s Parliamentary Administration.” In Thomas Christiansen, Elena Griglio, and Nicola Lupo, eds., The Routledge Handbook of Parliamentary Administration. Abingdon: Routledge, 306-319.
Gianniti, Luigi, and Nicola Lupo. 2023. “Italy’s Parliamentary Administration.” In Thomas Christiansen, Elena Griglio, and Nicola Lupo, eds., The Routledge Handbook of Parliamentary Administration. Abingdon: Routledge, 306-319.
Norway
In the Norwegian parliamentary system, the legislature – the Storting, at the national level – has a monopoly on determining taxes and deciding any public expenditure. Formally, the legislature may allocate the resources it regards as necessary for its own activities. However, according to the constitution, the executive is responsible for preparing the knowledge base for new policy proposals.
The Storting’s administration consists of seven departments and 29 sections, including a Knowledge and Documentation Department, and employs a staff of about 450 (the Storting, 2024). Compared to the apparatus in the ministries, the resources available to the legislature and the members of parliament are modest. If the legislature wants an issue investigated, the normal procedure is to require this from the government, rather than initiating it on its own. It is the obligation of ministers to come to the parliament to answer any questions the legislature might have. In recent years, a special parliamentary committee may require ministers and others involved in a case to come to a separate hearing to answer questions from the members of parliament. The control of the legislature over the executive is not so much a matter of material resources, but rests in the legal and procedural controls embedded in the parliamentary system.
The Storting’s administration consists of seven departments and 29 sections, including a Knowledge and Documentation Department, and employs a staff of about 450 (the Storting, 2024). Compared to the apparatus in the ministries, the resources available to the legislature and the members of parliament are modest. If the legislature wants an issue investigated, the normal procedure is to require this from the government, rather than initiating it on its own. It is the obligation of ministers to come to the parliament to answer any questions the legislature might have. In recent years, a special parliamentary committee may require ministers and others involved in a case to come to a separate hearing to answer questions from the members of parliament. The control of the legislature over the executive is not so much a matter of material resources, but rests in the legal and procedural controls embedded in the parliamentary system.
Citations:
The Storting. 2024. “Administration.” https://www.stortinget.no/en/In-English/About-the-Storting/Administration/
The Storting. 2024. “Administration.” https://www.stortinget.no/en/In-English/About-the-Storting/Administration/
Slovenia
The National Assembly is adequately resourced. Although the Assembly has its own job classification system, its administration has always employed fewer staff than provided for in the HR allocation plan classification system. In 2022, the Assembly employed around 250 people in its administration.
Although the Assembly had already enjoyed various types of autonomy before 2019, it was legally strengthened by the National Assembly Act. This Act ensures greater coherence between its different forms of autonomy, including administrative, financial, regulatory, and security autonomy. Deputies can rely on the support of the Assembly’s administration, the research-documentation division, and, within this division, the research unit. The unit provides expert, objective, and politically neutral support to members of parliament and other parliamentary actors, such as working bodies, PPGs, and the secretary-general, or on their own initiative.
In the 2018 – 2022 legislature, for example, the Section prepared 157 research requests. As in the previous legislature, most requests came from opposition members of parliament (59), followed by ruling coalition members of parliament (22), while Assembly working bodies requested nine and political groups requested 17 such requests.
The parliamentary groups employ several staff members who have been paid by the Assembly for administrative, organizational, and technical tasks since 1993. Each parliamentary group is entitled to several staff members, with larger groups allocated slightly more staff. During the last parliamentary term, more than 100 people were employed in the political groups.
Each member of the European Parliament also has a personal allowance for their office, which ranges from €500 to 800 per month, and additional entitlements. They also have a budget for education and training. For 2022 and 2023, 90 members of parliament spent around €45,000 per year.
Although the Assembly had already enjoyed various types of autonomy before 2019, it was legally strengthened by the National Assembly Act. This Act ensures greater coherence between its different forms of autonomy, including administrative, financial, regulatory, and security autonomy. Deputies can rely on the support of the Assembly’s administration, the research-documentation division, and, within this division, the research unit. The unit provides expert, objective, and politically neutral support to members of parliament and other parliamentary actors, such as working bodies, PPGs, and the secretary-general, or on their own initiative.
In the 2018 – 2022 legislature, for example, the Section prepared 157 research requests. As in the previous legislature, most requests came from opposition members of parliament (59), followed by ruling coalition members of parliament (22), while Assembly working bodies requested nine and political groups requested 17 such requests.
The parliamentary groups employ several staff members who have been paid by the Assembly for administrative, organizational, and technical tasks since 1993. Each parliamentary group is entitled to several staff members, with larger groups allocated slightly more staff. During the last parliamentary term, more than 100 people were employed in the political groups.
Each member of the European Parliament also has a personal allowance for their office, which ranges from €500 to 800 per month, and additional entitlements. They also have a budget for education and training. For 2022 and 2023, 90 members of parliament spent around €45,000 per year.
Citations:
Državni zbor. 2022. “Poročilo o delu državnega zbora v mandatnem obdobju 2018-2022.” https://fotogalerija.dz-rs.si/datoteke/Publikacije/PorocilaDZ/Mandat_2018%E2%80%932022/Porocilo_o_delu_Drzavnega_zbora_v_mandatnem_obdobju_2018%E2%80%932022__.pdf
Krašovec, A. 2023. “Slovenia’s Parliamentary Administration.” In T. Christiansen, E. Griglio, and N. Lupo, eds., The Routledge Handbook of Parliamentary Administrations, 425-434. Routledge.
N1. 2024. “Izobraževanja poslancev: Koliko denarja so porabile poslanske skupine?” https://n1info.si/novice/slovenija/izobrazevanja-poslancev-koliko-denarja-so-porabile-poslanske-skupine/
Dnevnik. 2022. “Poslanci DZ: poleg plače dobijo še vrsto dodatkov.” https://www.dnevnik.si/1042988624
Državni zbor. 2022. “Poročilo o delu državnega zbora v mandatnem obdobju 2018-2022.” https://fotogalerija.dz-rs.si/datoteke/Publikacije/PorocilaDZ/Mandat_2018%E2%80%932022/Porocilo_o_delu_Drzavnega_zbora_v_mandatnem_obdobju_2018%E2%80%932022__.pdf
Krašovec, A. 2023. “Slovenia’s Parliamentary Administration.” In T. Christiansen, E. Griglio, and N. Lupo, eds., The Routledge Handbook of Parliamentary Administrations, 425-434. Routledge.
N1. 2024. “Izobraževanja poslancev: Koliko denarja so porabile poslanske skupine?” https://n1info.si/novice/slovenija/izobrazevanja-poslancev-koliko-denarja-so-porabile-poslanske-skupine/
Dnevnik. 2022. “Poslanci DZ: poleg plače dobijo še vrsto dodatkov.” https://www.dnevnik.si/1042988624
As a group, legislative members have access to a range of resources that are suited for effectively monitoring a government’s key activities.
8
Austria
Members of the Austrian Nationalrat receive administrative support from the parliamentary administration (Parlamentsdirektion). Within this administration, a specific unit, the “Rechts-, Legislativ- & Wissenschaftliche Dienst (RLW),” provides legal, economic, and social science-based information to all MPs and the wider public. This service aims to ensure that MPs are informed about national and international media reporting at all times. In 2019, the parliamentary administration launched the EULE Media Monitor / 360° Topic-Monitoring system, which helps parliamentarians stay up to date by delivering information in an easy-to-access web-based form.
Further, the parliamentary staff members law (“Parlamentsmitarbeiter:innen-Gesetz”), which can be amended by parliament, provides all MPs with a monthly allowance for hiring support staff. In 2018, the amount available for such support staff was approximately €3,600 per month, gross (after deduction of other employers’ costs for this personnel), which compares favorably with the situation in several other countries (see Rada for Europe, Assistants to MPs; www.undp.org/sites).
Parliamentary assistants are typically responsible for preparing parliamentary meetings – both plenary and committee sessions – and maintaining contact with citizens and the wider public. These assistants can work for several MPs and can form working groups serving up to seven MPs. It is common to split financial resources and tasks among multiple assistants. Many MPs employ two part-time assistants: one serving in their constituency and another in Vienna.
Further, the parliamentary staff members law (“Parlamentsmitarbeiter:innen-Gesetz”), which can be amended by parliament, provides all MPs with a monthly allowance for hiring support staff. In 2018, the amount available for such support staff was approximately €3,600 per month, gross (after deduction of other employers’ costs for this personnel), which compares favorably with the situation in several other countries (see Rada for Europe, Assistants to MPs; www.undp.org/sites).
Parliamentary assistants are typically responsible for preparing parliamentary meetings – both plenary and committee sessions – and maintaining contact with citizens and the wider public. These assistants can work for several MPs and can form working groups serving up to seven MPs. It is common to split financial resources and tasks among multiple assistants. Many MPs employ two part-time assistants: one serving in their constituency and another in Vienna.
Citations:
https://www.parlament.gv.at/verstehen/das-hohe-haus/parlamentsdirektion/#:~:text=Die%20Parlamentsdirektion%20ist%20f%C3%BCr%20den,Plenarsitzungen%20von%20Nationalrat%20und%20Bundesrat
https://www.ipu.org/innovation-tracker/story/austria-uses-ai-keep-mps-informed
https://www.diepresse.com/3825077/mitarbeiter-die-heimlichen-helfer-im-parlament
https://www.vol.at/nationalrat-mit-hoeheren-spesen-in-die-sommerpause/4022548
https://austria-forum.org/af/AustriaWiki/Nationalrat_%28%C3%96sterreich%29
https://www.undp.org/sites/g/files/zskgke326/files/migration/ua/assistants-to-MPs-EN.pdf
https://www.parlament.gv.at/verstehen/das-hohe-haus/parlamentsdirektion/#:~:text=Die%20Parlamentsdirektion%20ist%20f%C3%BCr%20den,Plenarsitzungen%20von%20Nationalrat%20und%20Bundesrat
https://www.ipu.org/innovation-tracker/story/austria-uses-ai-keep-mps-informed
https://www.diepresse.com/3825077/mitarbeiter-die-heimlichen-helfer-im-parlament
https://www.vol.at/nationalrat-mit-hoeheren-spesen-in-die-sommerpause/4022548
https://austria-forum.org/af/AustriaWiki/Nationalrat_%28%C3%96sterreich%29
https://www.undp.org/sites/g/files/zskgke326/files/migration/ua/assistants-to-MPs-EN.pdf
Greece
Members of the Greek parliament have access to a variety of resources to support their legislative duties.
One of their key resources is the parliament’s library, established in 1846, making it one of the oldest and largest libraries in Greece. Located in three buildings in central Athens, the library is equipped with modern systems and is also accessible to researchers. Each member of parliament is entitled to employ two researchers and three additional assistants, with the cost covered by the state budget. In the past, some MPs were criticized for employing family members as assistants rather than qualified researchers.
Political parties represented in parliament have their own research support groups, and the largest parties also maintain affiliated research institutions. For instance, the Democracy Institute “K. Karamanlis” is affiliated with the New Democracy party, while the “N. Poulantzas” Institute is linked to the Syriza party.
Although the Greek legislature does not have a dedicated research unit like the US Congress or the UK House of Commons, it relies on several specialized research units covering different fields:
Hellenic Parliament Budget Office: This unit, composed of economics professors and experts, provides respected reports on Greece’s economic and fiscal performance.
Scientific Service of the Parliament: A committee of public law professors and legal experts offers legal advice to MPs, particularly regarding submitted bills.
Foundation of the Parliament: This research unit focuses on historical studies and is staffed by history professors and other experts.
One of their key resources is the parliament’s library, established in 1846, making it one of the oldest and largest libraries in Greece. Located in three buildings in central Athens, the library is equipped with modern systems and is also accessible to researchers. Each member of parliament is entitled to employ two researchers and three additional assistants, with the cost covered by the state budget. In the past, some MPs were criticized for employing family members as assistants rather than qualified researchers.
Political parties represented in parliament have their own research support groups, and the largest parties also maintain affiliated research institutions. For instance, the Democracy Institute “K. Karamanlis” is affiliated with the New Democracy party, while the “N. Poulantzas” Institute is linked to the Syriza party.
Although the Greek legislature does not have a dedicated research unit like the US Congress or the UK House of Commons, it relies on several specialized research units covering different fields:
Hellenic Parliament Budget Office: This unit, composed of economics professors and experts, provides respected reports on Greece’s economic and fiscal performance.
Scientific Service of the Parliament: A committee of public law professors and legal experts offers legal advice to MPs, particularly regarding submitted bills.
Foundation of the Parliament: This research unit focuses on historical studies and is staffed by history professors and other experts.
Citations:
https://library.parliament.gr/%CE%A0%CE%BB%CE%B7%CF%81%CE%BF%CF%86%CE%BF%CF%81%CE%AF%CE%B5%CF%82/%CE%97-%CE%92%CE%B9%CE%B2%CE%BB%CE%B9%CE%BF%CE%B8%CE%AE%CE%BA%CE%B7
Hellenic Parliament Budget Office: https://www.pbo.gr/
Foundation of the Parliament: https://foundation.parliament.gr/
Scientific Service of the Parliament, https://www.hellenicparliament.gr/Dioikitiki-Organosi/Ypiresies/Epistimoniki-Ypiresia
https://idkaramanlis.gr/en/
“N. Poulantzas” Institute: https://poulantzas.gr/en/
https://library.parliament.gr/%CE%A0%CE%BB%CE%B7%CF%81%CE%BF%CF%86%CE%BF%CF%81%CE%AF%CE%B5%CF%82/%CE%97-%CE%92%CE%B9%CE%B2%CE%BB%CE%B9%CE%BF%CE%B8%CE%AE%CE%BA%CE%B7
Hellenic Parliament Budget Office: https://www.pbo.gr/
Foundation of the Parliament: https://foundation.parliament.gr/
Scientific Service of the Parliament, https://www.hellenicparliament.gr/Dioikitiki-Organosi/Ypiresies/Epistimoniki-Ypiresia
https://idkaramanlis.gr/en/
“N. Poulantzas” Institute: https://poulantzas.gr/en/
7
Canada
In British parliamentary systems of government, legislatures play a crucial oversight role over the executive branch, ensuring accountability, transparency, and responsible governance. The oversight functions of legislatures in these systems involve various mechanisms designed to better scrutinize the actions, policies, and decisions of the government (Stewart 1974).
Members of the legislature, especially those from the opposition, have the opportunity to question government ministers during question periods. These sessions provide a platform for holding the government accountable for its decisions and actions. Debates on proposed legislation, policies, and government initiatives also allow for thorough examination and scrutiny.
Federal members of Parliament each receive a budget to support their activities and hire staff, typically 4-5 per member of Parliament. Some of these staff members work in the House of Commons, while others are based in local constituency offices (House of Commons of Canada, 2021).
Committees are another essential component of parliamentary oversight. Composed of members of the legislature, committees specialize in specific policy areas or functions. They conduct inquiries, investigations, and hearings, producing reports that scrutinize government activities, propose recommendations, and hold ministers to account.
Legislatures in Canada typically have research offices that aid legislative committees in their work. Individual MPs and others also have research allowances, which allow them to hire staff to research public policy issues. However, Westminster-style government means that, barring a minority government situation, a majority government controls Parliament during its time in office. This includes key committee assignments and appointments, allowing the majority government to quash or ignore criticisms and complaints as it wishes.
The legislature also has the power to approve the government’s budget, providing a significant avenue for fiscal and program oversight. Budget debates and reviews allow members to examine government spending priorities, fiscal policies, and the allocation of public funds. The legislature can question ministers on financial decisions and hold them accountable for effective financial management. Public Accounts Committees – a subset of parliamentary committees – focus specifically on overseeing government expenditures and auditing government financial reports. These committees examine the effectiveness of government programs and ensure fiscal responsibility.
In a parliamentary system, the government must hold the confidence of the majority in the legislature to remain in office. A vote of no confidence can lead to the government’s resignation or the calling of new elections. The prospect of such votes provides a powerful mechanism for the legislature to express approval or disapproval of the government’s performance.
Legislatures also have the authority to launch investigations and inquiries into specific issues, policies, or government actions. This can involve summoning witnesses, requesting documents, and conducting hearings. Inquiries serve to uncover information, assess the government’s conduct, and recommend changes or reforms. Legislatures facilitate public engagement by providing a forum for representatives to express the concerns and interests of their constituents. Public input, inquiries, and petitions contribute to the oversight process and help ensure that government policies align with public expectations.
The legislature also reviews or confirms certain appointments made by the government, including the Speaker of the House. This process ensures scrutiny of individuals chosen for key positions, such as judges or heads of independent agencies.
Most Canadian legislatures also have independent officers, such as ombudsmen and auditors general, who report directly to the legislature. These officers conduct audits, investigations, and reviews of government operations, finances, and administrative practices, providing impartial assessments to the legislature.
Members of the legislature, especially those from the opposition, have the opportunity to question government ministers during question periods. These sessions provide a platform for holding the government accountable for its decisions and actions. Debates on proposed legislation, policies, and government initiatives also allow for thorough examination and scrutiny.
Federal members of Parliament each receive a budget to support their activities and hire staff, typically 4-5 per member of Parliament. Some of these staff members work in the House of Commons, while others are based in local constituency offices (House of Commons of Canada, 2021).
Committees are another essential component of parliamentary oversight. Composed of members of the legislature, committees specialize in specific policy areas or functions. They conduct inquiries, investigations, and hearings, producing reports that scrutinize government activities, propose recommendations, and hold ministers to account.
Legislatures in Canada typically have research offices that aid legislative committees in their work. Individual MPs and others also have research allowances, which allow them to hire staff to research public policy issues. However, Westminster-style government means that, barring a minority government situation, a majority government controls Parliament during its time in office. This includes key committee assignments and appointments, allowing the majority government to quash or ignore criticisms and complaints as it wishes.
The legislature also has the power to approve the government’s budget, providing a significant avenue for fiscal and program oversight. Budget debates and reviews allow members to examine government spending priorities, fiscal policies, and the allocation of public funds. The legislature can question ministers on financial decisions and hold them accountable for effective financial management. Public Accounts Committees – a subset of parliamentary committees – focus specifically on overseeing government expenditures and auditing government financial reports. These committees examine the effectiveness of government programs and ensure fiscal responsibility.
In a parliamentary system, the government must hold the confidence of the majority in the legislature to remain in office. A vote of no confidence can lead to the government’s resignation or the calling of new elections. The prospect of such votes provides a powerful mechanism for the legislature to express approval or disapproval of the government’s performance.
Legislatures also have the authority to launch investigations and inquiries into specific issues, policies, or government actions. This can involve summoning witnesses, requesting documents, and conducting hearings. Inquiries serve to uncover information, assess the government’s conduct, and recommend changes or reforms. Legislatures facilitate public engagement by providing a forum for representatives to express the concerns and interests of their constituents. Public input, inquiries, and petitions contribute to the oversight process and help ensure that government policies align with public expectations.
The legislature also reviews or confirms certain appointments made by the government, including the Speaker of the House. This process ensures scrutiny of individuals chosen for key positions, such as judges or heads of independent agencies.
Most Canadian legislatures also have independent officers, such as ombudsmen and auditors general, who report directly to the legislature. These officers conduct audits, investigations, and reviews of government operations, finances, and administrative practices, providing impartial assessments to the legislature.
Citations:
House of Commons Canada. 2021. “Members’ Allowances and Services.” https://www.ourcommons.ca/Content/MAS/mas-e.pdf
Stewart, J. 1974. The Canadian House of Commons. Montreal: Publisher Name.
House of Commons Canada. 2021. “Members’ Allowances and Services.” https://www.ourcommons.ca/Content/MAS/mas-e.pdf
Stewart, J. 1974. The Canadian House of Commons. Montreal: Publisher Name.
Estonia
Compared to the parliaments of many other countries, the Riigikogu has a modest support structure. All administrative staff are employed by the Chancellery of the Riigikogu, and can be divided into three categories. The first category includes analysts working in the Law and Analysis Department, who provide expert advice and produce information sheets and study reports. Due to budget and personnel limitations (10 advisers in total), their studies are typically very limited. At the request of parliamentary committees, the Analysis Department can also commission studies from universities or research institutes. In 2022 – 2023, only one such external study was commissioned. There is also a small Foresight Center (Arenguseire Keskus, ASK) with six people that carries out various studies on public policies. ASK is independent in terms of deciding on studies and research priorities, but its budget depends on the allocations in the state budget, approved by the Riigikogu.
The second category of staff includes standing committee support staff. A standing committee typically has three to five advisers. The third group is made up of the advisers to party groups. In total, 31 people work for the six parliamentary party groups. Legislators can use a reading room in the parliamentary building and the National Library, which serves as a parliamentary library. Members of the parliament also benefit from allowances that they can use to order expert analyses, studies or information overviews. However, there is little evidence that the allowances are extensively used for such purposes.
The second category of staff includes standing committee support staff. A standing committee typically has three to five advisers. The third group is made up of the advisers to party groups. In total, 31 people work for the six parliamentary party groups. Legislators can use a reading room in the parliamentary building and the National Library, which serves as a parliamentary library. Members of the parliament also benefit from allowances that they can use to order expert analyses, studies or information overviews. However, there is little evidence that the allowances are extensively used for such purposes.
France
French legislators usually have two members of personal staff each. They also benefit from the staff of legislative committees, who are usually highly qualified and selected through competitive exams. Finally, they may draw on the resources and staff of the Court of Auditors if needed. There is no substantive parliamentary research unit, but there is a library, and parliamentarians are increasingly resorting to hearings, even if the number of hearings remains modest in comparative terms. Generally speaking, the 2008 constitutional reform has improved the parliament’s prerogatives.
Each legislature produces several thousand legislative reports, and the number has been increasing over recent legislatures.
Each legislature produces several thousand legislative reports, and the number has been increasing over recent legislatures.
Citations:
Rozenberg, Olivier, et al. 2017. “La révision constitutionnelle du 23 juillet 2008 a-t-elle renforcé le Parlement français?.” Débats du LIEPP 3: En-ligne
Rozenberg, Olivier, et al. 2017. “La révision constitutionnelle du 23 juillet 2008 a-t-elle renforcé le Parlement français?.” Débats du LIEPP 3: En-ligne
Ireland
The legislature, Oireachtas Éireann (the Irish parliament), has three main tasks in policymaking: participating in the legislative process, performing control and scrutiny functions, and providing legitimacy for public policy. Connaughton (2021) notes the emergence of executive and party-political dominance due to the existence of the party whip system, a historical lack of resources, a weak committee system, the use of standing orders rules, and Ireland’s political culture of service through local constituency affairs. Following 2016, a sub-committee on parliamentary Dáil reform recommended more independence for the Dáil and less government control. Under the label of “New Politics,” much depends on the nature of government and opposition (Connaughton 2021).
The legislature now exercises control over its resources and operations. A 2016 parliamentary business committee determines committee and parliamentary activity, supported by deputies’ expert staff, administrative support staff (e.g., research units) and monetary allowances for independent research. Parliamentary committees play a crucial role by allowing members to call expert witnesses and explore the implications of proposed legislation. Notable progress has been made by the Joint Committee on Environment and Climate Action, a cross-party and bicameral initiative that has proposed innovative policies. Additionally, the mechanism of parliamentary questions, both oral and written, has been used innovatively, though sometimes misused. The Parliamentary Budget Office, a practice well established in other parliaments but new to Ireland, is still evolving but has already proven useful to opposition parties. It aids in costing alternative budgets and policy proposals and advancing processes such as gender and poverty proofing.
The Oireachtas Library and Research Service, which manages the Irish parliamentary library, has become more effective in recent years, servicing individual members of the Houses of the Oireachtas, committees and staff of both houses. Although resources are considered inadequate relative to peer jurisdictions in the EU (e.g., Denmark, Finland and Sweden), they are improving. While ministers recruit advisers and experts, there are no internships that allow members to recruit researchers. However, a system of secondments has recently been established, indicating growth in legislative and research capacity.
The legislature now exercises control over its resources and operations. A 2016 parliamentary business committee determines committee and parliamentary activity, supported by deputies’ expert staff, administrative support staff (e.g., research units) and monetary allowances for independent research. Parliamentary committees play a crucial role by allowing members to call expert witnesses and explore the implications of proposed legislation. Notable progress has been made by the Joint Committee on Environment and Climate Action, a cross-party and bicameral initiative that has proposed innovative policies. Additionally, the mechanism of parliamentary questions, both oral and written, has been used innovatively, though sometimes misused. The Parliamentary Budget Office, a practice well established in other parliaments but new to Ireland, is still evolving but has already proven useful to opposition parties. It aids in costing alternative budgets and policy proposals and advancing processes such as gender and poverty proofing.
The Oireachtas Library and Research Service, which manages the Irish parliamentary library, has become more effective in recent years, servicing individual members of the Houses of the Oireachtas, committees and staff of both houses. Although resources are considered inadequate relative to peer jurisdictions in the EU (e.g., Denmark, Finland and Sweden), they are improving. While ministers recruit advisers and experts, there are no internships that allow members to recruit researchers. However, a system of secondments has recently been established, indicating growth in legislative and research capacity.
Citations:
Connaughton, B. 2021. Committees and the Legislature: Policy Analysis in Ireland. Bristol: Policy Press.
Houses of the Oireachtas. 2023. “Library & Research Service.” https://data.oireachtas.ie/ie/oireachtas/libraryResearch/2024/2024-01-03_bill-digest-thirty-ninth-amendment-of-the-constitution-family-bill-2023_en.pdf
Houses of the Oireachtas. 2023. “Parliamentary Questions.” https://www.oireachtas.ie/en/debates/questions/
Houses of the Oireachtas. 2023. “The Parliamentary Budget Office (PBO).” https://www.oireachtas.ie/en/publications/?author=parliamentary-budget-office
Connaughton, B. 2021. Committees and the Legislature: Policy Analysis in Ireland. Bristol: Policy Press.
Houses of the Oireachtas. 2023. “Library & Research Service.” https://data.oireachtas.ie/ie/oireachtas/libraryResearch/2024/2024-01-03_bill-digest-thirty-ninth-amendment-of-the-constitution-family-bill-2023_en.pdf
Houses of the Oireachtas. 2023. “Parliamentary Questions.” https://www.oireachtas.ie/en/debates/questions/
Houses of the Oireachtas. 2023. “The Parliamentary Budget Office (PBO).” https://www.oireachtas.ie/en/publications/?author=parliamentary-budget-office
Israel
Each member of the Knesset has three assistants who are hired directly. Each member of the Knesset also has a personal budget to use at their discretion. In addition, members of the Knesset can utilize the resources of the Knesset Research and Information Center. The center has significantly increased its staff in the last couple of years and now has about 50 full-time employees. The center publishes about 300 research papers a year, including budget assessments for bills, policy papers and comparative reviews on specific issues. It can also respond to short questions from members of the Knesset. This significantly improves the analytical capacity of members of the Knesset and, as a result, enhances their oversight ability. Demand for the center’s papers and evaluations increases every year.
In addition, each committee chair has a legal advisor who can assist with legislation brought before the committee and the Knesset has a legal advisory department to assist members of the Knesset.
At the same time, the budget for each member of the Knesset is limited and typically used for political purposes rather than research. Although the number of assistants increased from two to three, it remains insufficient. One assistant generally handles media issues, another oversees legislation and only one is responsible for all other tasks, including oversight. Furthermore, while some members of the Knesset have very experienced assistants, many others recruit young, inexperienced assistants who are frequently replaced. This high turnover is partly due to the relatively low salaries. Thus, although members of the Knesset have greater access to resources than before, these resources remain insufficient for effective oversight.
In addition, each committee chair has a legal advisor who can assist with legislation brought before the committee and the Knesset has a legal advisory department to assist members of the Knesset.
At the same time, the budget for each member of the Knesset is limited and typically used for political purposes rather than research. Although the number of assistants increased from two to three, it remains insufficient. One assistant generally handles media issues, another oversees legislation and only one is responsible for all other tasks, including oversight. Furthermore, while some members of the Knesset have very experienced assistants, many others recruit young, inexperienced assistants who are frequently replaced. This high turnover is partly due to the relatively low salaries. Thus, although members of the Knesset have greater access to resources than before, these resources remain insufficient for effective oversight.
Lithuania
Members of the Seimas have adequate personnel and structural resources to monitor government activities effectively. They have access to personal staff, personnel assigned to parliamentary committees and commissions, and other structures, as well as the Parliamentary Research Unit. This unit provides analyses of other countries’ policies and other issues deemed important by Seimas members. Additionally, the parliamentary Committee for the Future, established after the 2020 Seimas elections, has reinforced focus on the Seimas’s analytical capacities, often organizing discussions with scholars and expert institutions.
Proper impact assessments of draft legislation are very rare. Although the Statute of the Seimas includes a provision requiring impact assessments for proposed draft laws, members of the Seimas usually do not provide them. Expenses incurred by calling experts for testimony or consultation can be reimbursed, but members of parliament are typically unwilling to allocate adequate funds for commissioning external impact assessment studies so as to avoid being perceived by the media as wasting taxpayers’ money. Thus, despite the availability of resources, political incentives frequently prevent effective parliamentary oversight, including the commonly held assumption that introducing draft legal initiatives reflects a member of parliament’s diligence, which in turn leads to a heavy focus on lawmaking,
Parties that are part of governing coalitions are often unwilling to engage in self-monitoring, while opposition parties frequently lack the capability for constructive external oversight. They use external expert impact assessments of draft legislation to delay governing coalition initiatives rather than to obtain a genuine analysis of the possible effects of the draft laws. Additionally, the parliament utilizes the results of audit reports produced by the National Audit Office. It is also common for members of the Seimas to employ their party colleagues as advisers or assistants based on relationships of trust rather than these individuals’ specific expertise.
Citation :
Proper impact assessments of draft legislation are very rare. Although the Statute of the Seimas includes a provision requiring impact assessments for proposed draft laws, members of the Seimas usually do not provide them. Expenses incurred by calling experts for testimony or consultation can be reimbursed, but members of parliament are typically unwilling to allocate adequate funds for commissioning external impact assessment studies so as to avoid being perceived by the media as wasting taxpayers’ money. Thus, despite the availability of resources, political incentives frequently prevent effective parliamentary oversight, including the commonly held assumption that introducing draft legal initiatives reflects a member of parliament’s diligence, which in turn leads to a heavy focus on lawmaking,
Parties that are part of governing coalitions are often unwilling to engage in self-monitoring, while opposition parties frequently lack the capability for constructive external oversight. They use external expert impact assessments of draft legislation to delay governing coalition initiatives rather than to obtain a genuine analysis of the possible effects of the draft laws. Additionally, the parliament utilizes the results of audit reports produced by the National Audit Office. It is also common for members of the Seimas to employ their party colleagues as advisers or assistants based on relationships of trust rather than these individuals’ specific expertise.
Citation :
New Zealand
Members of Parliament (MPs) have access to pooled personnel and sufficient resources to monitor government activities. For one, the Parliamentary Service provides support to MPs, including administrative, research and advisory services. However, given the small size of New Zealand’s Parliament, these services are relatively limited compared to those in other democracies. Although MPs also participate in select committees, which have their own staff, legal advisers and resources to investigate executive actions, governments frequently call urgency motions to rush legislation through Parliament and bypass select committees (Martin 2015).
MPs also have access to party research budgets and party research units. However, the larger parties (National, Labour) are at a distinct advantage, as minor parties (ACT, Greens, Te Pāti Māori) command far fewer resources (Schnapp and Harfst 2005). Moreover, a proposal to create a parliamentary budget office to enable parliamentarians to engage more fully in budget and pre-budget scrutiny activities failed to gain traction, although calls for its introduction have remained a topic of conversation in the media (Transparency International 2023).
MPs also have access to party research budgets and party research units. However, the larger parties (National, Labour) are at a distinct advantage, as minor parties (ACT, Greens, Te Pāti Māori) command far fewer resources (Schnapp and Harfst 2005). Moreover, a proposal to create a parliamentary budget office to enable parliamentarians to engage more fully in budget and pre-budget scrutiny activities failed to gain traction, although calls for its introduction have remained a topic of conversation in the media (Transparency International 2023).
Citations:
Martin, J. E. 2015. “Parliament.” In J. Hayward, ed. Government and Politics in Aotearoa New Zealand. 6th ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Schnapp, K.-U., and Harfst, P. 2005. “Parlamentarische Informations- und Kontrollressourcen in 22 westlichen Demokratien.” Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 36: 348-70.
Transparency International. 2023. “The Election Campaign Highlights Why New Zealand Needs a Parliamentary Budget Office.” https://www.transparency.org.nz/blog/the-election-campaign-highlights-why-new-zealand-needs-a-parliamentary-budget-office
Martin, J. E. 2015. “Parliament.” In J. Hayward, ed. Government and Politics in Aotearoa New Zealand. 6th ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Schnapp, K.-U., and Harfst, P. 2005. “Parlamentarische Informations- und Kontrollressourcen in 22 westlichen Demokratien.” Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 36: 348-70.
Transparency International. 2023. “The Election Campaign Highlights Why New Zealand Needs a Parliamentary Budget Office.” https://www.transparency.org.nz/blog/the-election-campaign-highlights-why-new-zealand-needs-a-parliamentary-budget-office
Slovakia
The Slovak parliament (NR SR) and its members of parliament fully control their resources. NR SR has a separate chapter in the state budget, and the amount of allocated resources is annually determined by the Law on the State Budget. Members of parliament have access to a parliamentary library, and the office of the parliament provides an information service to all members of parliament. They also have a budget for assistants, who are expected to perform research and analysis.
The Parliamentary Institute is a specialized research and information center that, upon official request, delivers analyses related to laws negotiated in parliament, responds to members’ of parliament information requests, drafts comparative analytical papers, and provides training for MPs. The parliament may commission expertise, such as from think tanks, to enhance evidence-based decision-making. Political parties also provide additional research and analytical support to their members of parliament (see Mackie, 2022). However, the evidence available through these channels and from other sources, like universities, is not systematically prepared and used for political decision-making in Slovakia (see, for example, Nemec, 2022).
The Parliamentary Institute is a specialized research and information center that, upon official request, delivers analyses related to laws negotiated in parliament, responds to members’ of parliament information requests, drafts comparative analytical papers, and provides training for MPs. The parliament may commission expertise, such as from think tanks, to enhance evidence-based decision-making. Political parties also provide additional research and analytical support to their members of parliament (see Mackie, 2022). However, the evidence available through these channels and from other sources, like universities, is not systematically prepared and used for political decision-making in Slovakia (see, for example, Nemec, 2022).
Citations:
Mackie, I. et al. 2022. Quality of Legislative Process: Building a Conceptual Model and Developing Indicators. Luxembourg: European Union
Nemec, J. 2022. Public Administration and Governance: Slovakia. Brussels: European Union.
Mackie, I. et al. 2022. Quality of Legislative Process: Building a Conceptual Model and Developing Indicators. Luxembourg: European Union
Nemec, J. 2022. Public Administration and Governance: Slovakia. Brussels: European Union.
6
Australia
Legislators have a range of resources to monitor government activities and influence the lawmaking process, which tends to be dominated by the executive under Westminster-style principles. Parliaments have well-resourced libraries that undertake research and produce reports. Perhaps more significant are the activities of parliamentary committees, which can question ministers to ensure accountability and conduct inquiries drawing on expertise from the community, such as academics and civil society actors.
Parliamentarians also have access to advisers. However, after the 2022 election, the Labor government reduced the number of advisers for independent members of parliament funded by the Commonwealth from four to one, and reduced funding for advisers to minor parties. This move met with fierce opposition from independents and minor parties, but the government argued that increased resourcing of the Parliamentary Library would ensure that parliamentarians continued to have sufficient resources.
Despite the significant resources at their disposal, Australian parliaments’ capacities have declined relative to the executive’s. Political scientists like James Walter identify a decades-long strengthening of the Prime Minister’s Office, with greater focus on the leader and personal advisers at the expense of parliamentary influence (Walter 2021).
Parliamentarians also have access to advisers. However, after the 2022 election, the Labor government reduced the number of advisers for independent members of parliament funded by the Commonwealth from four to one, and reduced funding for advisers to minor parties. This move met with fierce opposition from independents and minor parties, but the government argued that increased resourcing of the Parliamentary Library would ensure that parliamentarians continued to have sufficient resources.
Despite the significant resources at their disposal, Australian parliaments’ capacities have declined relative to the executive’s. Political scientists like James Walter identify a decades-long strengthening of the Prime Minister’s Office, with greater focus on the leader and personal advisers at the expense of parliamentary influence (Walter 2021).
Citations:
Walter, J. 2021. “Power without Purpose.” Inside Story. https://insidestory.org.au/power-without-purpose/
https://www.aph.gov.au/About_Parliament/Parliamentary_departments/Parliamentary_Library/FlagPost/2022/July/Personal_employee_positions
Walter, J. 2021. “Power without Purpose.” Inside Story. https://insidestory.org.au/power-without-purpose/
https://www.aph.gov.au/About_Parliament/Parliamentary_departments/Parliamentary_Library/FlagPost/2022/July/Personal_employee_positions
Hungary
With its budgetary rights, the Hungarian parliament has the de jure right to control its budget. De facto, the parliamentary majority usually follows the policies set by the core executive. According to the standing orders of the Hungarian parliament, all parliamentary party groups can invite experts, and committee sessions are open to the public. In practice, however, Fidesz’s overwhelming majority, reinforced in the 2022 elections, as well as the hectic pace of legislation, have reduced the involvement of experts to a mere formality. While the rights are in place, and there are few legal obstacles to the summoning of experts, the consultation of experts does not play a significant role in policymaking. The reduction in the number of parliamentary seats from 386 to 199 made the parliament better fitted to a country the size of Hungary, and made the legislature more cost-effective. Still, it reduced the amount of experts and assistants, who are essential to parliament’s work in general. Today, the parliament has a support staff of 741 people. Compared to parliaments of the same size (Austria: 250 legislators, 460 staffers; Czechia: 200/460), the Hungarian ratio is excellent and maybe even indicates overstaffing. At the same time, it should be noted that due to the governing party’s direct access to public funds through its control over the administration, it has a sizable advantage over opposition parties when it comes to employing staff and experts (Susánszky et al. 2020). Opposition parties try to compensate by reallocating the more generous funds provided for their European Parliament members.
Citations:
Susánszky, P., Unger, A., and Kopper, Á. 2020. “Hungary’s Over-Powerful Government Party and the Desperate Opposition.” European Review 28(5): 761-777.
Susánszky, P., Unger, A., and Kopper, Á. 2020. “Hungary’s Over-Powerful Government Party and the Desperate Opposition.” European Review 28(5): 761-777.
Japan
Individual parliamentarians have only a few staff members to support their work. Until the 1990s, each parliamentarian could employ only two official secretaries in their legislative office. In reality, secretaries usually served in the politician’s electoral office and communicated with voters. An additional secretarial post in charge of policymaking was introduced in 1993, but even they often lack the expertise and time to focus on policy matters. As a result, proposed bills sponsored by lawmakers are usually drafted by Diet bureaucrats who enjoy considerable independence and leeway due to their expertise. Research bureaus in the secretariats of both chambers examine all matters processed by parliamentary committees. The legislative bureaus of both houses, in turn, examine the constitutionality of bills.
The National Diet Library Research and Legislative Reference Bureau conducts research in cooperation with scholars and experts, which involve interviews, roundtable discussions and field studies. The bureau regularly publishes reports on various studies concerning important national matters.
Due to the rationalization of budget expenses in 2005 and 2010, the number of staff in the secretariats of both chambers was reduced, which contrasts with a gradual increase in the number of Cabinet Office staff. This trend indicates a relative empowerment of the executive against the legislative branch.
The National Diet Library Research and Legislative Reference Bureau conducts research in cooperation with scholars and experts, which involve interviews, roundtable discussions and field studies. The bureau regularly publishes reports on various studies concerning important national matters.
Due to the rationalization of budget expenses in 2005 and 2010, the number of staff in the secretariats of both chambers was reduced, which contrasts with a gradual increase in the number of Cabinet Office staff. This trend indicates a relative empowerment of the executive against the legislative branch.
Citations:
Zakowski, Karol. 2023. “The Parliamentary Administration of Japan: The Kokkai.” In The Routledge Handbook of Parliamentary Administrations, eds. Thomas Christiansen, Elena Griglio, and Nicola Lupo, 656-665. London – New York: Routledge.
Zakowski, Karol. 2023. “The Parliamentary Administration of Japan: The Kokkai.” In The Routledge Handbook of Parliamentary Administrations, eds. Thomas Christiansen, Elena Griglio, and Nicola Lupo, 656-665. London – New York: Routledge.
Latvia
There is an Analytical Service and a library accessible to the legislature. Established in 2017, the Analytical Service’s functions include research, analysis, and providing sectoral information. It reports to the Saeima Presidium and is also responsible for the parliamentary library, which offers up-to-date periodicals and books.
Research topics may be proposed to the Analytical Service by the Saeima Presidium, the Fraction Council, a Saeima committee, or the leadership of at least two fractions, provided the proposal is signed by at least 20 Members of the Saeima. Research and reports are publicly available and cover many themes. In 2023, there are eight thematic reports (usually 12 pages long) and one synthesis. There were seven researchers at the beginning of 2024.
Overall, the legislature can access the library and request reports from the Analytical Service. However, the effectiveness of these mechanisms in practice can vary. Under current statutes, the Analytical Service can only accept a limited number of requests.
The allocation of staff for parliamentary factions is predetermined and based on the number of members in each group, as governed by a decision from the Saeima Presidium. Every group is entitled to one technical secretary. Additionally, the group size determines the availability of further staff positions: A group with five MPs can appoint one consultant. In comparison, a group with six to ten MPs can appoint both a consultant and a senior consultant. An additional staff position is allocated for every increment of five members in a group.
Despite these regulations, the composition of staff typically remains constant and is not influenced by changes in party representation within parliamentary factions. Staff members are often party affiliates and remain the same even when the party is re-elected. In parliamentary committees, the staff generally stays consistent across multiple terms. They are familiar with experts in relevant fields, as well as non-governmental organizations and public authorities, and their roles stay consistent with changes in political party representation in parliament.
Research topics may be proposed to the Analytical Service by the Saeima Presidium, the Fraction Council, a Saeima committee, or the leadership of at least two fractions, provided the proposal is signed by at least 20 Members of the Saeima. Research and reports are publicly available and cover many themes. In 2023, there are eight thematic reports (usually 12 pages long) and one synthesis. There were seven researchers at the beginning of 2024.
Overall, the legislature can access the library and request reports from the Analytical Service. However, the effectiveness of these mechanisms in practice can vary. Under current statutes, the Analytical Service can only accept a limited number of requests.
The allocation of staff for parliamentary factions is predetermined and based on the number of members in each group, as governed by a decision from the Saeima Presidium. Every group is entitled to one technical secretary. Additionally, the group size determines the availability of further staff positions: A group with five MPs can appoint one consultant. In comparison, a group with six to ten MPs can appoint both a consultant and a senior consultant. An additional staff position is allocated for every increment of five members in a group.
Despite these regulations, the composition of staff typically remains constant and is not influenced by changes in party representation within parliamentary factions. Staff members are often party affiliates and remain the same even when the party is re-elected. In parliamentary committees, the staff generally stays consistent across multiple terms. They are familiar with experts in relevant fields, as well as non-governmental organizations and public authorities, and their roles stay consistent with changes in political party representation in parliament.
Citations:
Saeima. 2017. “Infografika: Saeimas Analītiskais dienests - zināšanas balstītai likumdošanai.” https://www.saeima.lv/lv/par-saeimu/informativie-materiali-par-saeimu/infografika-saeimas-analitiskais-dienests-zinasanas-balstitai-likumdosanai/
Saeima. 2017. “Infografika: Saeimas Analītiskais dienests - zināšanas balstītai likumdošanai.” https://www.saeima.lv/lv/par-saeimu/informativie-materiali-par-saeimu/infografika-saeimas-analitiskais-dienests-zinasanas-balstitai-likumdosanai/
Portugal
According to the Law on the Organization and Functioning of the Services of the Assembly of the Republic (LOFAR), Law No. 77/88, of July 1, members of parliament and their respective groups have the authority to establish offices staffed by individuals of their choosing. These offices are responsible for managing allocated funds, a duty that falls on each parliamentary group. Additionally, support is provided for parliamentary committees, and committee chairs can propose the requisition of technicians or other support staff to assist with advisory tasks.
Despite the ample funding available, with total subsidies amounting to €8.4 million in 2022 – a figure that has remained relatively stable in recent years – there continues to be a significant shortage of expert support staff, according to the latest report (Assembleia da República, 2022). This indicates that the parliament’s ability to oversee government activities largely depends on the expertise of its legislators.
Furthermore, the number of staff assigned to the support offices of parliamentary groups has been steadily decreasing, with only 216 workers in 2022 compared to 244 in 2021 (Assembleia da República, 2022).
Moreover, the parliament’s website consistently publishes only a limited number of reports on government activities and statistical reviews of parliamentary activities.
Despite the ample funding available, with total subsidies amounting to €8.4 million in 2022 – a figure that has remained relatively stable in recent years – there continues to be a significant shortage of expert support staff, according to the latest report (Assembleia da República, 2022). This indicates that the parliament’s ability to oversee government activities largely depends on the expertise of its legislators.
Furthermore, the number of staff assigned to the support offices of parliamentary groups has been steadily decreasing, with only 216 workers in 2022 compared to 244 in 2021 (Assembleia da República, 2022).
Moreover, the parliament’s website consistently publishes only a limited number of reports on government activities and statistical reviews of parliamentary activities.
Citations:
Law on the Organization and Functioning of the Services of the Assembly of the Republic (LOFAR). 1988. Lei de Organização e Funcionamento dos Serviços da Assembleia da República (LOFAR). https://www.parlamento.pt/Legislacao/Documents/Legislacao_Anotada/LOFAR_Anotada.pdf
Assembleia da República. 2022. “Relatório da Conta de Gerência da Assembleia da República – 2022.” https://www.parlamento.pt/GestaoAR/Documents/oar/RelCGAR2022.pdf
Law on the Organization and Functioning of the Services of the Assembly of the Republic (LOFAR). 1988. Lei de Organização e Funcionamento dos Serviços da Assembleia da República (LOFAR). https://www.parlamento.pt/Legislacao/Documents/Legislacao_Anotada/LOFAR_Anotada.pdf
Assembleia da República. 2022. “Relatório da Conta de Gerência da Assembleia da República – 2022.” https://www.parlamento.pt/GestaoAR/Documents/oar/RelCGAR2022.pdf
Spain
The Cortes Generales is a bicameral assembly consisting of the Congreso de Diputados (Congress of Deputies) as the lower chamber and the Senado (Senate) as the upper chamber. Article 72.1 of the constitution ensures the independence of both chambers, allowing them to equip themselves with the necessary personnel and resources to perform their constitutional duties effectively. According to Article 60 of the rules of procedure for the lower chamber, “the Congress shall have all necessary personal and material means and facilities available for the conduct of its business, including technical, documentary, and advisory services.” Article 60 further specifies that the Budget Committee should be provided with suitable allocations to enable technical advice on legislative proceedings related to revenue and public expenditure.
Each parliamentary group receives funds to hire personnel, with budget amounts based on the party’s electoral results. However, individual members of parliament do not have dedicated assistants, and the limited staff is shared among them.
No formal parliamentary research units exist, and studies are rarely produced, except for legal reports. Committees have few independent administrative resources but rely on the legal expertise of clerks. Temporary staff hired through a procurement system assist parliamentary members and institutions, offering specific expertise in areas like economics, budgetary affairs, and journalism.
Parliamentary committees can invite independent experts without legal limitations, and requests for expert testimony have increased, especially at the beginning of legislative processes or in specialized subcommittees. However, limited staffing and financial resources hinder systematic involvement from university scholars, think tank analysts, and other experts. Collaborations with public administrations or the Bank of Spain occur but often include political judgments from the executive. In 2022, the Congress, in collaboration with the Spanish Foundation for Science and Technology (FECYT), established the Science and Technology Office to prepare reports on scientific and technical topics of interest to members of parliament.
Each parliamentary group receives funds to hire personnel, with budget amounts based on the party’s electoral results. However, individual members of parliament do not have dedicated assistants, and the limited staff is shared among them.
No formal parliamentary research units exist, and studies are rarely produced, except for legal reports. Committees have few independent administrative resources but rely on the legal expertise of clerks. Temporary staff hired through a procurement system assist parliamentary members and institutions, offering specific expertise in areas like economics, budgetary affairs, and journalism.
Parliamentary committees can invite independent experts without legal limitations, and requests for expert testimony have increased, especially at the beginning of legislative processes or in specialized subcommittees. However, limited staffing and financial resources hinder systematic involvement from university scholars, think tank analysts, and other experts. Collaborations with public administrations or the Bank of Spain occur but often include political judgments from the executive. In 2022, the Congress, in collaboration with the Spanish Foundation for Science and Technology (FECYT), established the Science and Technology Office to prepare reports on scientific and technical topics of interest to members of parliament.
Citations:
Kölling, M. and I. Molina. 2023. “The Administration of the Spanish Cortes Generales: Organizing Legitimacy, Executive Dominance and Party Discipline.” Routledge Handbook of Parliamentary Administrations.
Kölling, M. and I. Molina. 2023. “The Administration of the Spanish Cortes Generales: Organizing Legitimacy, Executive Dominance and Party Discipline.” Routledge Handbook of Parliamentary Administrations.
Switzerland
The Swiss parliament is not broadly professionalized. Officially, it is still a militia parliament, meaning that legislators serve alongside their regular jobs. However, this construction is far from the reality (Vatter 2018a: 283). Almost 90% of members use more than a third of their working time for their political roles. Legislators’ incomes have also been increased over time. On average, the various components of remuneration total more than CHF 100,000 annually (about €104,000). Because of this, fewer and fewer members of parliament have other professional activities beside their political mandate (including external mandates, paid or otherwise, that are related to their activity as a politician). In other words, an increasing number of members of parliament can be considered “professional politicians.” The parliamentary system is, therefore, often today described as semi-professional.
However, legislators do not have personal staff, and the parliamentary services division offers only very limited research services, though legislators do have access to the parliamentary library. Thus, from a comparative perspective, the resources available to members of parliament are very limited. The parliamentary services are staffed with 238 employees (2022); much less than in comparable small countries (Austria 485; Belgium 603). According to one recent review, the Swiss parliament is “an influential pseudo-militia parliament with modest resources” (Bailer and Bütikofer 2022: 182, 188). However, since 1990, the Federal Assembly has had an internal evaluation unit called the Parliamentary Control of the Administration (Parlamentarische Verwaltungskontrolle), which is permanent staffed by policy experts with extensive inquiry prerogatives. Parliamentarians can mandate reviews of administrative activity within any policy sector as well as within the Federal Chancellery or the federal courts (Ledermann 2016).
However, legislators do not have personal staff, and the parliamentary services division offers only very limited research services, though legislators do have access to the parliamentary library. Thus, from a comparative perspective, the resources available to members of parliament are very limited. The parliamentary services are staffed with 238 employees (2022); much less than in comparable small countries (Austria 485; Belgium 603). According to one recent review, the Swiss parliament is “an influential pseudo-militia parliament with modest resources” (Bailer and Bütikofer 2022: 182, 188). However, since 1990, the Federal Assembly has had an internal evaluation unit called the Parliamentary Control of the Administration (Parlamentarische Verwaltungskontrolle), which is permanent staffed by policy experts with extensive inquiry prerogatives. Parliamentarians can mandate reviews of administrative activity within any policy sector as well as within the Federal Chancellery or the federal courts (Ledermann 2016).
Citations:
Bailer, Stefanie, and Sarah Bütikofer. 2023. “Parliament.” In The Oxford Handbook of Swiss Politics, eds. Patrick Emmenegger, Flavia Fossati, Silja Häusermann, Yannis Papadopoulos, Pascal Sciarini, and Adrian Vatter. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 174–194. https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780192871787.013.9
Bieri, Niklaus. 2018. “Das Parlament und die Vernehmlassung. Der Wandel der parlamentarischen Rezeption des Vernehmlassungsverfahrens als Hinweis auf die Erstarkung des Parlaments nach den Parlamentsreformen der frühen 1990er-Jahre.” Traverse – Zeitschrift für Geschichte / Revue d’histoire 2018 (3): 33–45. https://boris.unibe.ch/127608
Bütikofer, Sarah. 2014. Das Schweizer Parlament. Eine Institution auf dem Pfad der Moderne. Baden-Baden: Nomos.
Ledermann, Simone. 2016. “Die Ausgestaltung der Unabhängigkeit von Evaluationsdiensten: Die Parlamentarische Verwaltungskontrolle im Kontext der Aufsichtsorgane des Bundes.” LeGes – Gesetzgebung & Evaluation 27 (1): 63–82.
SRF News. 2019. “Im neuen Nationalrat sitzen noch mehr Berufspolitiker.” https://www.srf.ch/news/schweiz/die-jobs-der-neugewaehlten-im-neuen-nationalrat-sitzen-noch-mehr-berufspolitiker
Vatter, Adrian. 2018a. Das politische System der Schweiz. 3rd ed. Baden-Baden: Nomos (UTB).
Vatter, Adrian, eds. 2018. Das Parlament in der Schweiz. Macht und Ohnmacht der Volksvertretung. Zürich: NZZ Libro.
Bailer, Stefanie, and Sarah Bütikofer. 2023. “Parliament.” In The Oxford Handbook of Swiss Politics, eds. Patrick Emmenegger, Flavia Fossati, Silja Häusermann, Yannis Papadopoulos, Pascal Sciarini, and Adrian Vatter. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 174–194. https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780192871787.013.9
Bieri, Niklaus. 2018. “Das Parlament und die Vernehmlassung. Der Wandel der parlamentarischen Rezeption des Vernehmlassungsverfahrens als Hinweis auf die Erstarkung des Parlaments nach den Parlamentsreformen der frühen 1990er-Jahre.” Traverse – Zeitschrift für Geschichte / Revue d’histoire 2018 (3): 33–45. https://boris.unibe.ch/127608
Bütikofer, Sarah. 2014. Das Schweizer Parlament. Eine Institution auf dem Pfad der Moderne. Baden-Baden: Nomos.
Ledermann, Simone. 2016. “Die Ausgestaltung der Unabhängigkeit von Evaluationsdiensten: Die Parlamentarische Verwaltungskontrolle im Kontext der Aufsichtsorgane des Bundes.” LeGes – Gesetzgebung & Evaluation 27 (1): 63–82.
SRF News. 2019. “Im neuen Nationalrat sitzen noch mehr Berufspolitiker.” https://www.srf.ch/news/schweiz/die-jobs-der-neugewaehlten-im-neuen-nationalrat-sitzen-noch-mehr-berufspolitiker
Vatter, Adrian. 2018a. Das politische System der Schweiz. 3rd ed. Baden-Baden: Nomos (UTB).
Vatter, Adrian, eds. 2018. Das Parlament in der Schweiz. Macht und Ohnmacht der Volksvertretung. Zürich: NZZ Libro.
Netherlands
The competition for media attention, political fragmentation, political pressures, the demands of social media and the accessibility of legislators through media accounts all put significant pressure on legislators’ parliamentary activities and on parliament’s civil servant support staff.
Dutch MPs are underfunded and understaffed, a circumstance that hinders their ability to work rigorously and hold ministers accountable. Although the Netherlands has a relatively small parliamentary staff, research shows that parties often allocate funds to public relations and campaign staff instead of hiring experts and researchers to support legislators’ parliamentary work. There is a lack of transparency regarding how many staff members are working on substantive issues versus those who are essentially campaigners.
During the Rutte IV government, 10% or 15 MPs stepped down for health or personal reasons. The second chamber, consisting of 150 legislators, employs about 1,000 people. Individual MPs have two to three personal political assistants employed by foundations established by their political party, with funding based on the party’s number of seats in parliament (in 2021: €243,000 per seat). Additionally, around 600 civil servants serve parliament as a whole, led by an administrative officer accountable to the speaker of the house and her presidium. The high level of work pressure likely contributes to the frequency of public clashes between civil servant support staff and the speaker. The administrative service comprises various departments, including security (85 staff), communication and external relations (23), clerks (62) and archives and information (42). The permanent commissions’ secretariats (120 staff) and analysis and research division (40 staff) provide legislators with planning serves, expertise and knowledge brokering. The A&R department explicitly links parliamentary work to scientific judgment and advice, offering tools such as network exploration, scientific fact sheets, breakfast meetings and formal scientific assessments of bills.
Parliament does not have the power to set its own budget; this responsibility lies with the Ministry of Domestic Affairs. In the Dutch dual system, parliament both oversees the government and co-produces legislation and public policies. It is estimated that a political party needs a minimum of 13 seats in parliament to meaningfully fulfill both roles and participate in all parliamentary activities. During the Rutte IV cabinet period, only four parties (VVD, D66, PVV and CDA) met this minimum size. The next five parties with some influence had nine seats (SP, PvdA) or eight seats (GL, FvD). These parties sometimes combined forces in the permanent commissions or chose to participate only in the more important ones.
Fearing negative voter reactions, Dutch legislators are reluctant to request more and better staff support. Consequently, the Council of Public Administration (Raad Openbaar Bestuur, ROB) has advocated doubling the parliament’s support functions. The Dutch parliament is small by international standards (one seat per 110,000 inhabitants). Increasing the number of seats to about 250 and providing more and better support would be an obvious solution, pending the advice of a parliamentary subcommittee.
Dutch MPs are underfunded and understaffed, a circumstance that hinders their ability to work rigorously and hold ministers accountable. Although the Netherlands has a relatively small parliamentary staff, research shows that parties often allocate funds to public relations and campaign staff instead of hiring experts and researchers to support legislators’ parliamentary work. There is a lack of transparency regarding how many staff members are working on substantive issues versus those who are essentially campaigners.
During the Rutte IV government, 10% or 15 MPs stepped down for health or personal reasons. The second chamber, consisting of 150 legislators, employs about 1,000 people. Individual MPs have two to three personal political assistants employed by foundations established by their political party, with funding based on the party’s number of seats in parliament (in 2021: €243,000 per seat). Additionally, around 600 civil servants serve parliament as a whole, led by an administrative officer accountable to the speaker of the house and her presidium. The high level of work pressure likely contributes to the frequency of public clashes between civil servant support staff and the speaker. The administrative service comprises various departments, including security (85 staff), communication and external relations (23), clerks (62) and archives and information (42). The permanent commissions’ secretariats (120 staff) and analysis and research division (40 staff) provide legislators with planning serves, expertise and knowledge brokering. The A&R department explicitly links parliamentary work to scientific judgment and advice, offering tools such as network exploration, scientific fact sheets, breakfast meetings and formal scientific assessments of bills.
Parliament does not have the power to set its own budget; this responsibility lies with the Ministry of Domestic Affairs. In the Dutch dual system, parliament both oversees the government and co-produces legislation and public policies. It is estimated that a political party needs a minimum of 13 seats in parliament to meaningfully fulfill both roles and participate in all parliamentary activities. During the Rutte IV cabinet period, only four parties (VVD, D66, PVV and CDA) met this minimum size. The next five parties with some influence had nine seats (SP, PvdA) or eight seats (GL, FvD). These parties sometimes combined forces in the permanent commissions or chose to participate only in the more important ones.
Fearing negative voter reactions, Dutch legislators are reluctant to request more and better staff support. Consequently, the Council of Public Administration (Raad Openbaar Bestuur, ROB) has advocated doubling the parliament’s support functions. The Dutch parliament is small by international standards (one seat per 110,000 inhabitants). Increasing the number of seats to about 250 and providing more and better support would be an obvious solution, pending the advice of a parliamentary subcommittee.
Citations:
Parlement.com. 2022. “Werkdruk in de Tweede Kamer.” https://www.parlement.com/9353000/1/j9vvknrzl7sjtxl/vlnpfx1mj0y0
Parlement.com. n.d. “Tussentijds vertrek tot de Tweede Kamer.”
Raad Openbaar Bestuur. 2021. “Briefadvies Ondersteuning Tweede Kamer.” Verdubbeling ondersteuning Tweede Kamer is nodig, November 4.
Parlement & Wetenschap. n.d. “Instrumentarium.” parlementenwetenschap.com
Otjes, S. 2022. “What explains the size of parliamentary staff?” West European Politics.
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/01402382.2022.2049068
https://www.montesquieu-instituut.nl/id/vlvrf2354sct/nieuws/een_kamer_met_weinig_ondersteuning_hoe?colctx=vlnjkeqq63pg
Parlement.com. 2022. “Werkdruk in de Tweede Kamer.” https://www.parlement.com/9353000/1/j9vvknrzl7sjtxl/vlnpfx1mj0y0
Parlement.com. n.d. “Tussentijds vertrek tot de Tweede Kamer.”
Raad Openbaar Bestuur. 2021. “Briefadvies Ondersteuning Tweede Kamer.” Verdubbeling ondersteuning Tweede Kamer is nodig, November 4.
Parlement & Wetenschap. n.d. “Instrumentarium.” parlementenwetenschap.com
Otjes, S. 2022. “What explains the size of parliamentary staff?” West European Politics.
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/01402382.2022.2049068
https://www.montesquieu-instituut.nl/id/vlvrf2354sct/nieuws/een_kamer_met_weinig_ondersteuning_hoe?colctx=vlnjkeqq63pg
UK
The House of Commons Library is a resource available to any member of Parliament (MP), providing research and briefings. Its stated role is to “provide a range of research and information services for MPs and MPs’ staff. Our work helps MPs scrutinize legislation, prepare for debates, develop policies, and support their constituents. We are a team of researchers, statisticians, librarians, indexers, communications, and customer service professionals, working together to provide an impartial and trusted service.”
All-party parliamentary groups are informal, cross-party bodies formed on an ad hoc basis to focus on specific subjects. They have no official status and often involve individuals and organizations from outside Parliament.
Parliamentary committees in both the Commons and the Lords can call witnesses for inquiries and routinely produce reports examining aspects of government policy. Clerks, paid by the legislature, play a pivotal role in producing these reports, although the committee “owns” the final document.
Each MP in the Westminster Parliament can employ up to four full-time staff members, paid for by Parliament and regulated by the Independent Parliamentary Standards Authority. MPs decide how to allocate this staff resource, which can include research. Additionally, it is common for MPs to have interns and additional staff paid from other sources. Parties typically provide a constituency agent to support MPs with local casework.
Through these various channels, MPs have access to resources, although on a smaller scale than in some other legislatures. While the Scottish and Welsh parliaments were established with a commitment to improve on Westminster scrutiny, they face similar limitations in research and staff capacity.
All-party parliamentary groups are informal, cross-party bodies formed on an ad hoc basis to focus on specific subjects. They have no official status and often involve individuals and organizations from outside Parliament.
Parliamentary committees in both the Commons and the Lords can call witnesses for inquiries and routinely produce reports examining aspects of government policy. Clerks, paid by the legislature, play a pivotal role in producing these reports, although the committee “owns” the final document.
Each MP in the Westminster Parliament can employ up to four full-time staff members, paid for by Parliament and regulated by the Independent Parliamentary Standards Authority. MPs decide how to allocate this staff resource, which can include research. Additionally, it is common for MPs to have interns and additional staff paid from other sources. Parties typically provide a constituency agent to support MPs with local casework.
Through these various channels, MPs have access to resources, although on a smaller scale than in some other legislatures. While the Scottish and Welsh parliaments were established with a commitment to improve on Westminster scrutiny, they face similar limitations in research and staff capacity.
Citations:
https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/about-us/
https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/about-us/
As a group, legislative members have access to a range of resources that are suited for selectively monitoring some government activities.
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Poland
The offices of the Sejm and the Senate assist the Polish parliament in legal, organizational, advisory, financial and technical matters. They consist of several organizational units, including the Legal and Personnel Affairs Bureau, the Analysis Bureau, the Financial Bureau, the Sejm Information Center, the Legislative Bureau, the Library, the Social Communication Bureau, the Internal Audit Office and the Publishing House.
These institutions assist deputies in carrying out the work of the parliament and its bodies, and in fulfilling their parliamentary mandates in their electoral districts. The offices also provide services to parliamentary clubs and groups, parliamentary teams, and independent deputies.
The legislature exercises oversees the financing of its operations; however, every year, the Supreme Audit Office audits the implementation of the state budget, including the functioning of parliament. In both 2021 and 2022, the Sejm and Senate offices received approval in these audits. The Sejm budget has grown from less than PLN 500 million under the liberal PO-PSL coalition to PLN 576.9 million in 2022 and PLN 683.2 million in 2023 (Rzeczpospolita, 2023).
After the 2015 elections, both the Analysis Bureau (Biuro Analiz Sejmowych, BAS) and the Legislative Bureau lost their fully independent status. Additionally, the choice of experts was directed by the political majority. The BAS is responsible for preparing legal opinions and other information. It publishes journals including the Legal Notebooks of the Sejm Analysis Bureau, INFOS: Socioeconomic Issues, BAS Analyses, BAS Studies and others.
These institutions assist deputies in carrying out the work of the parliament and its bodies, and in fulfilling their parliamentary mandates in their electoral districts. The offices also provide services to parliamentary clubs and groups, parliamentary teams, and independent deputies.
The legislature exercises oversees the financing of its operations; however, every year, the Supreme Audit Office audits the implementation of the state budget, including the functioning of parliament. In both 2021 and 2022, the Sejm and Senate offices received approval in these audits. The Sejm budget has grown from less than PLN 500 million under the liberal PO-PSL coalition to PLN 576.9 million in 2022 and PLN 683.2 million in 2023 (Rzeczpospolita, 2023).
After the 2015 elections, both the Analysis Bureau (Biuro Analiz Sejmowych, BAS) and the Legislative Bureau lost their fully independent status. Additionally, the choice of experts was directed by the political majority. The BAS is responsible for preparing legal opinions and other information. It publishes journals including the Legal Notebooks of the Sejm Analysis Bureau, INFOS: Socioeconomic Issues, BAS Analyses, BAS Studies and others.
Citations:
Rzeczpospolita. 2023. “Rekordowy budżet Sejmu. Na każdego posła pójdzie 1,6 mln zł.” 01.08.2023. https://www.rp.pl/polityka/art38884141-rekordowy-budzet-sejmu-na-kazdego-posla-pojdzie-1-6-mln-zl.
Rzeczpospolita. 2023. “Rekordowy budżet Sejmu. Na każdego posła pójdzie 1,6 mln zł.” 01.08.2023. https://www.rp.pl/polityka/art38884141-rekordowy-budzet-sejmu-na-kazdego-posla-pojdzie-1-6-mln-zl.
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The resources provided to legislative members are not suited for any effective monitoring of the government.
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