To what extent does the government facilitate the participation of leading social welfare CSOs in policymaking?
The government is able to effectively involve leading social welfare CSOs in policy development.
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Most of the time, the government is able to effectively involve leading social welfare CSOs in policy development.
8
Austria
As with other interest groups, the major social welfare CSOs have mostly had the opportunity to present their views on scheduled bills during the institutionalized review process in parliament. Most, but not all, bills are subject to public review, usually at the discretion of the government itself. There have also been strong ties between MPs and individual social welfare groups.
Given Austria’s established tradition of an advanced welfare state, the agendas of such groups are very present in the public arena and cannot easily be ignored by political decision-makers. As a result, the interests represented by these groups are likely to shape government activities more generally, beyond individual key decisions.
Recent literature characterizes the collaboration between Nonprofit Human Service Organizations and different levels of government as a “welfare partnership” (Meyer et al. 2023).
However, even more than at the level of labor and business organizations, the political status and influence of social welfare CSOs have been shaped by the party complexion of governments. Different governing parties have advanced different policies, reflecting their broader views on society as well as strategic considerations concerning their likely supporters at the level of the electorate (see Fischer & Giuliani 2023).
Given Austria’s established tradition of an advanced welfare state, the agendas of such groups are very present in the public arena and cannot easily be ignored by political decision-makers. As a result, the interests represented by these groups are likely to shape government activities more generally, beyond individual key decisions.
Recent literature characterizes the collaboration between Nonprofit Human Service Organizations and different levels of government as a “welfare partnership” (Meyer et al. 2023).
However, even more than at the level of labor and business organizations, the political status and influence of social welfare CSOs have been shaped by the party complexion of governments. Different governing parties have advanced different policies, reflecting their broader views on society as well as strategic considerations concerning their likely supporters at the level of the electorate (see Fischer & Giuliani 2023).
Citations:
Michael Meyer, R. Millner, M. Mehrwald, and P. Rameder. 2023. “A Test for the Welfare-Partnership: Austria’s Nonprofit Human Service Organizations in Times of Covid-19.” Human Service Organizations: Management, Leadership & Governance. https://doi.org/10.1080/23303131.2023.2186556
Fischer, T., and Giuliani, G. 2023. “The Makers Get It All? The Coalitional Welfare Politics of Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe. The Case Studies of Austria and Italy.” European Political Science Review 15 (2): 214-232.
Michael Meyer, R. Millner, M. Mehrwald, and P. Rameder. 2023. “A Test for the Welfare-Partnership: Austria’s Nonprofit Human Service Organizations in Times of Covid-19.” Human Service Organizations: Management, Leadership & Governance. https://doi.org/10.1080/23303131.2023.2186556
Fischer, T., and Giuliani, G. 2023. “The Makers Get It All? The Coalitional Welfare Politics of Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe. The Case Studies of Austria and Italy.” European Political Science Review 15 (2): 214-232.
Belgium
As referenced under “Effective Civil Society Organizations (social welfare),” various CSOs in Belgium significantly impact policy. Numerous associations, not primarily driven by economic interests, receive government funding and have the ability to suggest and shape policy. The principle of consociationalism ensures that key societal decisions are made efficiently. This is largely due to the dominance of political parties. Associations and groups that are funded often establish or evolve to have favorable political ties with political parties or government officials. This suggests that social groups, associations, and to a certain extent, publicly funded schools, often maintain long-term relationships with a political faction. This creates a strong motivation for noneconomic interest groups to suggest policies and ensure their proposals are well-argued, given the high likelihood of these proposals being discussed in parliament. A downside of this structure is the reliance on public funding, which politicians can use strategically.
This system may limit the ability of organizations that are truly independent of political parties to participate in policymaking. However, these organizations are not idle and employ various methods to influence political decisions, such as active involvement in public works inquiries, parliamentary interventions, legal challenges against government decisions, and organizing presentations and debates.
Lastly, as highlighted by Pineda-Hernández et al. (2022), social partners play a crucial role in unemployment benefit schemes. They are involved through bipartite social dialogue regarding policy designs or reforms and through direct participation in establishing general rules and managing the unemployment benefits system. This is true even for the Ghent system, whereby unions collect and distribute unemployment benefits. Belgium, however, only has a hybrid or “quasi-Ghent” system, whereby the government is the main provider, but unemployed workers can ask to deal with their union instead of the official unemployment office.
This system may limit the ability of organizations that are truly independent of political parties to participate in policymaking. However, these organizations are not idle and employ various methods to influence political decisions, such as active involvement in public works inquiries, parliamentary interventions, legal challenges against government decisions, and organizing presentations and debates.
Lastly, as highlighted by Pineda-Hernández et al. (2022), social partners play a crucial role in unemployment benefit schemes. They are involved through bipartite social dialogue regarding policy designs or reforms and through direct participation in establishing general rules and managing the unemployment benefits system. This is true even for the Ghent system, whereby unions collect and distribute unemployment benefits. Belgium, however, only has a hybrid or “quasi-Ghent” system, whereby the government is the main provider, but unemployed workers can ask to deal with their union instead of the official unemployment office.
Citations:
Pineda-Hernández, K., Rycx, F., and Volral, M. 2022. “How Collective Bargaining Shapes Poverty: New Evidence for Developed Countries.” British Journal of Industrial Relations 60: 895–928. https://doi.org/10.1111/bjir.12693
https://cbcs.be/societe-civile-et-pouvoirs-publics-1313/
https://www.bruzz.be/stedenbouw/werken-vastgoedproject-brouckr-opnieuw-voor-langere-tijd-geblokkeerd-2023-10-10
https://www.bruzz.be/stedenbouw/wegwerparchitectuur-en-afleidingsmanoeuvres-vrees-voor-gentrificatie-noordwijk-niet-weg
https://www.bruzz.be/stedenbouw/protest-tegen-movehub-project-aan-zuidstation-houdt-aan-meer-groen-minder-torens-2023-12
https://www.bruzz.be/mobiliteit/dont-look-down-mini-documentaire-kritisch-over-bouw-metro-3-2022-03-22
https://www.standaard.be/cnt/dmf20180715_03615174
Pineda-Hernández, K., Rycx, F., and Volral, M. 2022. “How Collective Bargaining Shapes Poverty: New Evidence for Developed Countries.” British Journal of Industrial Relations 60: 895–928. https://doi.org/10.1111/bjir.12693
https://cbcs.be/societe-civile-et-pouvoirs-publics-1313/
https://www.bruzz.be/stedenbouw/werken-vastgoedproject-brouckr-opnieuw-voor-langere-tijd-geblokkeerd-2023-10-10
https://www.bruzz.be/stedenbouw/wegwerparchitectuur-en-afleidingsmanoeuvres-vrees-voor-gentrificatie-noordwijk-niet-weg
https://www.bruzz.be/stedenbouw/protest-tegen-movehub-project-aan-zuidstation-houdt-aan-meer-groen-minder-torens-2023-12
https://www.bruzz.be/mobiliteit/dont-look-down-mini-documentaire-kritisch-over-bouw-metro-3-2022-03-22
https://www.standaard.be/cnt/dmf20180715_03615174
Denmark
In Denmark, the inclusion of civil organizations related to social welfare in policymaking processes is very common. Organizations in this policy area have the same access to the legislative process as other organized interests. These organizations are consulted and provide information to the legislative process, making the consultation ongoing and frequent. The same applies at the municipal level, which is responsible for implementing large parts of social welfare policies. Local branches of the major peak organizations are included in decisions made by the city council. At this level of government, the consultation is also frequent and ongoing.
In many areas of social welfare, regulation and initiatives originate from tripartite negotiations involving the state, unions and relevant employers’ organizations. These negotiations are informal, but their results are often converted into law when required or adopted in collective agreements.
This process is rather inclusive, but there is a bias toward larger organizations having easier access to the decision-making process, partly because they represent broader constituencies and partly because they provide more legitimacy to the process. Consequently, some areas in which the level of organization is low and in which the users of social services are socially weak do not have the same access to decision-makers. One example of such an area is the topic of homeless, for which few organizations exist (Christiansen et al. 2022).
In many areas of social welfare, regulation and initiatives originate from tripartite negotiations involving the state, unions and relevant employers’ organizations. These negotiations are informal, but their results are often converted into law when required or adopted in collective agreements.
This process is rather inclusive, but there is a bias toward larger organizations having easier access to the decision-making process, partly because they represent broader constituencies and partly because they provide more legitimacy to the process. Consequently, some areas in which the level of organization is low and in which the users of social services are socially weak do not have the same access to decision-makers. One example of such an area is the topic of homeless, for which few organizations exist (Christiansen et al. 2022).
Citations:
Christiansen et al. 2022. Politik og forvaltning. 5. udg. København: Hans Reitzel.
Christiansen et al. 2022. Politik og forvaltning. 5. udg. København: Hans Reitzel.
Norway
In the social welfare sector, it is important to distinguish between organizations that provide services within a contractual relationship with the public sector and organizations that represent the consumer and client side of the services (“users”). Most legislation regulating (tax-financed) welfare services grants users the right to be heard and to partake in the development of new policies. In expert committees, hearings, and performance monitoring, CSOs are well represented. In public opinion, user organizations hold high “moral authority,” which provides legitimacy to social welfare services. Critiques of services, often voiced in alliance with professionals working in the services, are taken seriously and may significantly impact policy decisions. Disputes between different CSOs are rare; if they occur, governments are careful not to express any opinion.
Sweden
In Sweden, the government has traditionally worked to facilitate and promote the participation of leading social welfare CSOs in decision-making. Through various forms of consultation, dialogue and participation in committees and councils, these organizations have the opportunity to influence policy and legislation related to social issues. The government often sees CSOs as important partners and recognizes their expertise and commitment to welfare issues, making it natural to involve them in the decision-making process. These bodies can be composed of representatives from both the government and CSOs and aim to gather different perspectives and expertise to shape social policies. CSOs have the possibility to provide policy feedback in the institutionalized process of referral.
At the same time, there are challenges and criticisms regarding the degree of participation and influence that CSOs actually have in decision-making. Some organizations feel their opinions and proposals are not always taken seriously enough or that they are not given sufficient time and resources to participate fully. Additionally, issues of transparency and openness in the decision-making process can impact the ability of organizations to participate meaningfully.
A recent report focuses on collaborations between CSOs and regions. More specifically, it addresses a power imbalance between civil society and the regions. The regions are in a much stronger financial position and have significantly more employees, which means they can independently make the necessary decisions for collaboration and perform the essential tasks. Additionally, collaboration is overly dependent on the individuals involved and lacks sufficient structure. The risk of an overly personal collaboration is that uncertainty arises as soon as an individual is replaced, and it can be more difficult for the collaborating organizations to achieve a common understanding of the work. There is a need for formalized collaboration arrangements to ensure they endure the often high personnel turnover (MUCF, 2023).
At the same time, there are challenges and criticisms regarding the degree of participation and influence that CSOs actually have in decision-making. Some organizations feel their opinions and proposals are not always taken seriously enough or that they are not given sufficient time and resources to participate fully. Additionally, issues of transparency and openness in the decision-making process can impact the ability of organizations to participate meaningfully.
A recent report focuses on collaborations between CSOs and regions. More specifically, it addresses a power imbalance between civil society and the regions. The regions are in a much stronger financial position and have significantly more employees, which means they can independently make the necessary decisions for collaboration and perform the essential tasks. Additionally, collaboration is overly dependent on the individuals involved and lacks sufficient structure. The risk of an overly personal collaboration is that uncertainty arises as soon as an individual is replaced, and it can be more difficult for the collaborating organizations to achieve a common understanding of the work. There is a need for formalized collaboration arrangements to ensure they endure the often high personnel turnover (MUCF, 2023).
Citations:
MUCF. 2023. “Samverkan mellan civil samhället och Sveriges regioner – det finns.”
outnyttjad potential. https://www.mucf.se/sites/default/files/2023/12/samverkan-civilsamhallet-och-regionerna.pdf
MUCF. 2023. “Samverkan mellan civil samhället och Sveriges regioner – det finns.”
outnyttjad potential. https://www.mucf.se/sites/default/files/2023/12/samverkan-civilsamhallet-och-regionerna.pdf
Netherlands
CSOs in most social welfare domains are still more or less firmly embedded in the culture and practices of “poldering” (see “Effective CSOs (Social Welfare)”).
7
Australia
Social welfare organizations are regularly consulted on social policy development through engagements with parliament and executive agencies. The effectiveness of this engagement varies, depending on factors like the governing party’s manifesto and public opinion. The CSOs in this area frequently have so-called peak bodies that actively lobby governments in order to highlight their concerns with government action (or inaction). Social welfare CSOs have been prominently involved in Royal Commissions, which are large resource-intensive investigative efforts that follow formal processes and normally yield extensive recommendations. Recent Royal Commissions in this area include the Royal Commission into the Violence, Abuse, Neglect and Exploitation of People with Disability, and the Royal Commission into Aged Care Quality and Safety.
Royal Commissions have been established to investigate major policy dilemmas and their conclusions and recommendations are usually taken seriously, informing the future debate and long-term development of policy in that area. These commissions provide social welfare CSOs with a significant opportunity to contribute their views as witnesses. Consider, for example, the Royal Commission into Aged Care Quality and Safety, which presented its final report, entitled “Care, Dignity and Respect’” in March, 2021. The commission received statements from more than 600 individuals and organizations, with many of these contributions coming from those involved in the aged care sector through CSOs (Royal Commissions 2023).
The issue of aged care had been a long-standing policy problem. However, the commission report helped keep the issue prioritized in the political agenda, with both parties issuing significant reform proposals in advance of the federal election in 2022 that were aligned with the commission recommendations. While the social welfare CSOs that actively participated in the influential Royal Commission were able to shape policy development through this mechanism, there have also been problems. To begin with, the Royal Commission has been criticized for giving insufficient weight to the views of the community sector. One such organization, Aged Care Crisis, which submitted a lengthy position paper to the Royal Commission, argued that the commission was too narrow in its approach to the sector’s problem. In particular, it didn’t give serious thought to challenging the dominance of private sector players in aged care provision (Aged Care Crisis 2023). This CSO believes that a community-sector-led approach is necessary to address some of the sector’s fundamental problems.
CSO influence is further diluted when commission recommendations are translated into policy proposals by political parties. For instance, while the commission produced nearly 150 recommendations, the Labor Party presented a five-point plan for aged care during the election. Although Labor’s commitments incorporated several of the Royal Commission’s recommendations, their proposal fell short of the comprehensive vision advanced by the Royal Commission. Additionally, this vision itself did not fully meet the expectations of several CSOs in this sector. As one commentator put, these “five points alone won’t undo decades of neglect, nor will they encompass the sweeping changes the royal commission recommended” (Holland-Batt 2023).
Royal Commissions have been established to investigate major policy dilemmas and their conclusions and recommendations are usually taken seriously, informing the future debate and long-term development of policy in that area. These commissions provide social welfare CSOs with a significant opportunity to contribute their views as witnesses. Consider, for example, the Royal Commission into Aged Care Quality and Safety, which presented its final report, entitled “Care, Dignity and Respect’” in March, 2021. The commission received statements from more than 600 individuals and organizations, with many of these contributions coming from those involved in the aged care sector through CSOs (Royal Commissions 2023).
The issue of aged care had been a long-standing policy problem. However, the commission report helped keep the issue prioritized in the political agenda, with both parties issuing significant reform proposals in advance of the federal election in 2022 that were aligned with the commission recommendations. While the social welfare CSOs that actively participated in the influential Royal Commission were able to shape policy development through this mechanism, there have also been problems. To begin with, the Royal Commission has been criticized for giving insufficient weight to the views of the community sector. One such organization, Aged Care Crisis, which submitted a lengthy position paper to the Royal Commission, argued that the commission was too narrow in its approach to the sector’s problem. In particular, it didn’t give serious thought to challenging the dominance of private sector players in aged care provision (Aged Care Crisis 2023). This CSO believes that a community-sector-led approach is necessary to address some of the sector’s fundamental problems.
CSO influence is further diluted when commission recommendations are translated into policy proposals by political parties. For instance, while the commission produced nearly 150 recommendations, the Labor Party presented a five-point plan for aged care during the election. Although Labor’s commitments incorporated several of the Royal Commission’s recommendations, their proposal fell short of the comprehensive vision advanced by the Royal Commission. Additionally, this vision itself did not fully meet the expectations of several CSOs in this sector. As one commentator put, these “five points alone won’t undo decades of neglect, nor will they encompass the sweeping changes the royal commission recommended” (Holland-Batt 2023).
Citations:
Royal Commissions. 2023. “Aged Care Quality and Safety.” https://www.royalcommission.gov.au/aged-care
Aged Care Crisis. 2023. “Aged Care Crisis and the Royal Commission.” https://www.agedcarecrisis.com/resources/make-aged-care-accountable/aged-care-crisis-and-the-royal-commission
Holland-Batt, S. 2023. “A five-point plan alone won’t undo decades of neglect for Australia’s aged care sector.” The Guardian June 10. https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2022/jun/10/a-five-point-plan-alone-wont-undo-decades-of-neglect-for-australias-aged-care-sector
Royal Commissions. 2023. “Aged Care Quality and Safety.” https://www.royalcommission.gov.au/aged-care
Aged Care Crisis. 2023. “Aged Care Crisis and the Royal Commission.” https://www.agedcarecrisis.com/resources/make-aged-care-accountable/aged-care-crisis-and-the-royal-commission
Holland-Batt, S. 2023. “A five-point plan alone won’t undo decades of neglect for Australia’s aged care sector.” The Guardian June 10. https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2022/jun/10/a-five-point-plan-alone-wont-undo-decades-of-neglect-for-australias-aged-care-sector
Canada
CSOs have many opportunities to present briefs to legislative committees and government agencies and are often consulted. However, the impact on government decision-making remains very unclear. In some areas, formal “Councils” exist to facilitate dialogue, but their influence on subsequent legislation is uncertain, as evidenced by the Canadian Council on Social Development, which has been wound down.
At the federal level, other activities include programs like the Social Development Partnerships Program, which funds CSOs and requires CSO-government collaboration in areas concerning families and children. Similarly, the Voluntary Sector Initiative brought together CSOs, government, and stakeholders to strengthen relationships in the non-governmental and charitable sectors.
Other venues, like the National Advisory Council on Poverty, help the government of Canada stay accountable to Canadians for lowering poverty. The Advisory Council advises the Minister of Families, Children and Social Development on poverty reduction, reports annually on the progress made toward meeting the poverty reduction targets, engages Canadians in discussions about poverty, and undertakes activities specified by the minister (Phillips and Brock 2003).
The impact of these initiatives on the content of subsequent legislation and policy, however, is not clear.
At the federal level, other activities include programs like the Social Development Partnerships Program, which funds CSOs and requires CSO-government collaboration in areas concerning families and children. Similarly, the Voluntary Sector Initiative brought together CSOs, government, and stakeholders to strengthen relationships in the non-governmental and charitable sectors.
Other venues, like the National Advisory Council on Poverty, help the government of Canada stay accountable to Canadians for lowering poverty. The Advisory Council advises the Minister of Families, Children and Social Development on poverty reduction, reports annually on the progress made toward meeting the poverty reduction targets, engages Canadians in discussions about poverty, and undertakes activities specified by the minister (Phillips and Brock 2003).
The impact of these initiatives on the content of subsequent legislation and policy, however, is not clear.
Citations:
Phillips, Susan D., and Kathy L. Brock. 2003. “In Accordance: Canada’s Voluntary Sector Accord from Idea to Implementation.” In Delicate Dances: Public Policy and the NonProfit Sector, 17–61. Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press.
Phillips, Susan D., and Kathy L. Brock. 2003. “In Accordance: Canada’s Voluntary Sector Accord from Idea to Implementation.” In Delicate Dances: Public Policy and the NonProfit Sector, 17–61. Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press.
Czechia
The policymaking process in Czechia is relatively open, with a broad spectrum of social and economic actors consulted during the legislative process. Representatives from the nonprofit sector and civil society are members of several government advisory bodies. However, these often allow only formal consultations, with material submitted late and comments frequently ignored.
In July 2021, the Czech government approved the Strategy for Cooperation between Public Administration and Nonprofit Organizations (NGOs) for 2021–2030, formulating objectives and setting tasks concerning the nonprofit sector. The strategy’s implementation is regularly evaluated through monitoring reports. According to the 2022 report, two-thirds of the measures have been only partially implemented.
NGO work has significantly influenced life in the Czech Republic. In 2023, thanks to NGO activity, a redefinition of rape was incorporated into legislation. In the field of social welfare, NGOs pressured the government to increase subsidies for personal assistants for disabled citizens. Additionally, pensioners’ organizations are actively involved in policy formulation, as discussed in a previous section.
Patients’ organizations also play a crucial role, assisting patients with serious illnesses and communicating with government officials to help patients secure their rights.
In July 2021, the Czech government approved the Strategy for Cooperation between Public Administration and Nonprofit Organizations (NGOs) for 2021–2030, formulating objectives and setting tasks concerning the nonprofit sector. The strategy’s implementation is regularly evaluated through monitoring reports. According to the 2022 report, two-thirds of the measures have been only partially implemented.
NGO work has significantly influenced life in the Czech Republic. In 2023, thanks to NGO activity, a redefinition of rape was incorporated into legislation. In the field of social welfare, NGOs pressured the government to increase subsidies for personal assistants for disabled citizens. Additionally, pensioners’ organizations are actively involved in policy formulation, as discussed in a previous section.
Patients’ organizations also play a crucial role, assisting patients with serious illnesses and communicating with government officials to help patients secure their rights.
Citations:
https://vlada.gov.cz/cz/ppov/rnno/dokumenty/strategie-spoluprace-verejne-spravy-s-nestatnimi-neziskovymi-organizacemi-na-leta-2021-az-2030-189753/
https://vlada.gov.cz/cz/ppov/rnno/dokumenty/strategie-spoluprace-verejne-spravy-s-nestatnimi-neziskovymi-organizacemi-na-leta-2021-az-2030-189753/
Finland
The Finnish government does not facilitate the participation of leading social welfare CSOs in policymaking to the same extent as it does for business and labor CSOs. Social welfare CSOs are not customarily involved across the various stages of the policymaking process, including agenda-setting, policy formulation, deliberation and decision-making, policy implementation, and performance monitoring. Their participation is more sporadic and ad hoc, since there are no institutional mechanisms to ensure their active involvement beginning with the initial stages of policymaking on issues central to the sector. However, on a case-by-case basis, social welfare CSOs do participate in expert commissions, public hearings and performance monitoring
In a small country, communication with the government and the CSOs active in the field of social welfare – for instance, SOSTE – is intense. The consultation process is transparent, involving several CSOs. A special issue concerning the interaction between CSOs and the government is that CSOs are largely financed through gambling monopoly receipts, which are governed through the Ministry of Social Affairs and Health. This means many CSOs in the social welfare field rely on government funding. Members of major CSOs active in social welfare express dissatisfaction with the token nature of their participation in the policymaking process, but their financial ties with the ministry may silence some of the criticism.
The impact of consultations with CSOs in the social welfare field on actual policies is quite limited. Most important decisions are made between the parties in the cabinet and written in the cabinet program. The government does not seek to moderate disputes within and between major social welfare CSOs or to balance diverse opinions in practice.
In a small country, communication with the government and the CSOs active in the field of social welfare – for instance, SOSTE – is intense. The consultation process is transparent, involving several CSOs. A special issue concerning the interaction between CSOs and the government is that CSOs are largely financed through gambling monopoly receipts, which are governed through the Ministry of Social Affairs and Health. This means many CSOs in the social welfare field rely on government funding. Members of major CSOs active in social welfare express dissatisfaction with the token nature of their participation in the policymaking process, but their financial ties with the ministry may silence some of the criticism.
The impact of consultations with CSOs in the social welfare field on actual policies is quite limited. Most important decisions are made between the parties in the cabinet and written in the cabinet program. The government does not seek to moderate disputes within and between major social welfare CSOs or to balance diverse opinions in practice.
Citations:
SOSTE Finnish Federation for Social Affairs and Health. n.d. “Briefly in English.” https://www.soste.fi/en/etusivu/
SOSTE Finnish Federation for Social Affairs and Health. n.d. “Briefly in English.” https://www.soste.fi/en/etusivu/
Germany
Social welfare associations and initiatives can highlight certain issues in the public eye, draw attention to political problems, and build pressure for change. However, their political role in Germany is primarily advisory.
After the publication of a draft law, organizations such as chambers, churches, and civil society organizations (CSOs) are free to comment on it before it is discussed in the Bundestag, the German parliament. They thus have the opportunity to shape discussions about upcoming laws, both in public and within the Bundestag. Sometimes, organizations are specifically invited by the responsible ministry to comment on a draft law. These comments are made public on the website of the ministry responsible for the draft law (Bundesministerium für Finanzen, n.d.).
The current government has shortened the official period for commenting on draft laws many times recently. This has left associations and experts with too little time to fully understand and react to proposed legislation. This practice has been heavily criticized by some organizations (RedationsNetzwerk Deutschland, 2023).
CSOs are sometimes consulted by the Bundestag or certain ministries. While this has historically been limited, there has recently been an increase in consultation opportunities for CSOs. The involvement of social welfare CSOs in decision-making and the development of draft laws varies greatly among different ministries. These organizations mainly use lobbying to gain political influence. Certain recognized associations have the Right of Association (Verbandsklagerecht) to take legal action on behalf of the public (Hummel et al., 2022: 3, 71). Apart from that, social welfare CSOs do not participate in the policymaking process, and there are no serious discussions to extend their role.
Free welfare work in Germany is primarily organized under six main organizations, such as the Red Cross, Caritas, and Diakonie. These social welfare CSOs perform numerous social tasks, caring for sick or disabled people, the elderly, and youth. Additionally, they operate many hospitals and residential homes for the elderly and disabled (Bundesregierung, 2020). Consequently, they assist the government in caring for the most vulnerable in society, which makes them politically powerful and influential. Without them, the German welfare state would collapse.
The six free welfare head organizations participate in various advisory councils in federal ministries, particularly in the Federal Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs and the Federal Ministry for Family Affairs, Senior Citizens, Women and Youth (Bundesregierung, 2019).
Another example of organizations consulted in policymaking are churches. Both the Protestant and Catholic churches of Germany have official plenipotentiaries at the Bundestag. They are consulted in legislative processes and draw attention to grievances in various fields of politics, such as social, labor, asylum, and family policies (Evangelische Kirche in Deutschland, n.d.). Social welfare CSOs like Caritas and Diakonie perform similar functions but do not have official offices in the Bundestag. Additionally, these organizations often make suggestions for new laws or amendments to existing laws. However, these are merely suggestions, and the Bundestag and the federal government are not obliged to consider them. Similar to citizens, organizations have the opportunity to start a petition. If it reaches 50,000 signatures, the Bundestag must discuss it (Deutscher Bundestag, n.d.).
Criticism or dissatisfaction with having too little influence in Berlin or too little participation in the political process seems rare among social welfare CSOs.
The free welfare organizations are funded mainly through social insurances and governmental grants. However, they are independent associations; therefore, the government is not entitled to moderate disputes between major CSOs (Schmid, n.d.). The six free welfare head organizations come together in the Federal Working Group of Free Welfare Care (Bundesarbeitsgemeinschaft der Freien Wohlfahrtspflege,).
After the publication of a draft law, organizations such as chambers, churches, and civil society organizations (CSOs) are free to comment on it before it is discussed in the Bundestag, the German parliament. They thus have the opportunity to shape discussions about upcoming laws, both in public and within the Bundestag. Sometimes, organizations are specifically invited by the responsible ministry to comment on a draft law. These comments are made public on the website of the ministry responsible for the draft law (Bundesministerium für Finanzen, n.d.).
The current government has shortened the official period for commenting on draft laws many times recently. This has left associations and experts with too little time to fully understand and react to proposed legislation. This practice has been heavily criticized by some organizations (RedationsNetzwerk Deutschland, 2023).
CSOs are sometimes consulted by the Bundestag or certain ministries. While this has historically been limited, there has recently been an increase in consultation opportunities for CSOs. The involvement of social welfare CSOs in decision-making and the development of draft laws varies greatly among different ministries. These organizations mainly use lobbying to gain political influence. Certain recognized associations have the Right of Association (Verbandsklagerecht) to take legal action on behalf of the public (Hummel et al., 2022: 3, 71). Apart from that, social welfare CSOs do not participate in the policymaking process, and there are no serious discussions to extend their role.
Free welfare work in Germany is primarily organized under six main organizations, such as the Red Cross, Caritas, and Diakonie. These social welfare CSOs perform numerous social tasks, caring for sick or disabled people, the elderly, and youth. Additionally, they operate many hospitals and residential homes for the elderly and disabled (Bundesregierung, 2020). Consequently, they assist the government in caring for the most vulnerable in society, which makes them politically powerful and influential. Without them, the German welfare state would collapse.
The six free welfare head organizations participate in various advisory councils in federal ministries, particularly in the Federal Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs and the Federal Ministry for Family Affairs, Senior Citizens, Women and Youth (Bundesregierung, 2019).
Another example of organizations consulted in policymaking are churches. Both the Protestant and Catholic churches of Germany have official plenipotentiaries at the Bundestag. They are consulted in legislative processes and draw attention to grievances in various fields of politics, such as social, labor, asylum, and family policies (Evangelische Kirche in Deutschland, n.d.). Social welfare CSOs like Caritas and Diakonie perform similar functions but do not have official offices in the Bundestag. Additionally, these organizations often make suggestions for new laws or amendments to existing laws. However, these are merely suggestions, and the Bundestag and the federal government are not obliged to consider them. Similar to citizens, organizations have the opportunity to start a petition. If it reaches 50,000 signatures, the Bundestag must discuss it (Deutscher Bundestag, n.d.).
Criticism or dissatisfaction with having too little influence in Berlin or too little participation in the political process seems rare among social welfare CSOs.
The free welfare organizations are funded mainly through social insurances and governmental grants. However, they are independent associations; therefore, the government is not entitled to moderate disputes between major CSOs (Schmid, n.d.). The six free welfare head organizations come together in the Federal Working Group of Free Welfare Care (Bundesarbeitsgemeinschaft der Freien Wohlfahrtspflege,).
Citations:
Bundesministerium für Finanzen. n.d. “Gesetze und Gesetzesvorhaben.” https://www.bundesfinanzministerium.de/Web/DE/Service/Gesetze_Gesetzesvorhaben/Gesetze_Gesetzgebungsvorhaben.html
Bundesregierung. 2019. “Antwort der Bundesregierung auf die Kleine Anfrage der Abgeordneten Christoph Meyer, Christian Dürr, Renata Alt, weiterer Abgeordneter und der Fraktion der FDP, Drucksache 19/7912.” https://dserver.bundestag.de/btd/19/084/1908448.pdf
Bundesregierung. 2020. “Antwort der Bundesregierung auf die Kleine Anfrage der Abgeordneten Otto Fricke, Christian Dürr, Grigorios Aggelidis, weiterer Abgeordneter und der Fraktion der FDP, Drucksache 19/17329.” https://dserver.bundestag.de/btd/19/177/1917764.pdf.
Deutscher Bundestag. n.d. “Öffentliche Petitionen, Mitzeichnung und Quorum.” https://epetitionen.bundestag.de/epet/service.$$$.rubrik.oeffentlichePetition.html
Evangelische Kirche in Deutschland. n.d. “Kirchendiplomatin” der EKD. https://www.ekd.de/Bevollmaechtigter-der-EKD-14070.htm
Hummel, S., Pfirter, L., and Strachwitz, R. G. 2022. Zur Lage und den Rahmenbedingungen der Zivilgesellschaft in Deutschland: ein Bericht. Berlin: Maecenata Institut für Philanthropie und Zivilgesellschaft. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-76997-7
RedaktionsNetzwerk Deutschland. 2023. “Ärger über die Ampel: Verbände wehren sich gegen Turbogesetze.” https://www.rnd.de/wirtschaft/kritik-an-der-ampelregierung-verbaende-wehren-sich-gegen-turbo-gesetze-4LC5PYFG6NDBZGUS4NXDEZTY6Q.html
Schmid, J. n.d. “Wohlfahrtsverbände.” Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung. https://www.bpb.de/kurz-knapp/lexika/handwoerterbuch-politisches-system/202214/wohlfahrtsverbaende/
https://www.bagfw.de/
Bundesministerium für Finanzen. n.d. “Gesetze und Gesetzesvorhaben.” https://www.bundesfinanzministerium.de/Web/DE/Service/Gesetze_Gesetzesvorhaben/Gesetze_Gesetzgebungsvorhaben.html
Bundesregierung. 2019. “Antwort der Bundesregierung auf die Kleine Anfrage der Abgeordneten Christoph Meyer, Christian Dürr, Renata Alt, weiterer Abgeordneter und der Fraktion der FDP, Drucksache 19/7912.” https://dserver.bundestag.de/btd/19/084/1908448.pdf
Bundesregierung. 2020. “Antwort der Bundesregierung auf die Kleine Anfrage der Abgeordneten Otto Fricke, Christian Dürr, Grigorios Aggelidis, weiterer Abgeordneter und der Fraktion der FDP, Drucksache 19/17329.” https://dserver.bundestag.de/btd/19/177/1917764.pdf.
Deutscher Bundestag. n.d. “Öffentliche Petitionen, Mitzeichnung und Quorum.” https://epetitionen.bundestag.de/epet/service.$$$.rubrik.oeffentlichePetition.html
Evangelische Kirche in Deutschland. n.d. “Kirchendiplomatin” der EKD. https://www.ekd.de/Bevollmaechtigter-der-EKD-14070.htm
Hummel, S., Pfirter, L., and Strachwitz, R. G. 2022. Zur Lage und den Rahmenbedingungen der Zivilgesellschaft in Deutschland: ein Bericht. Berlin: Maecenata Institut für Philanthropie und Zivilgesellschaft. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-76997-7
RedaktionsNetzwerk Deutschland. 2023. “Ärger über die Ampel: Verbände wehren sich gegen Turbogesetze.” https://www.rnd.de/wirtschaft/kritik-an-der-ampelregierung-verbaende-wehren-sich-gegen-turbo-gesetze-4LC5PYFG6NDBZGUS4NXDEZTY6Q.html
Schmid, J. n.d. “Wohlfahrtsverbände.” Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung. https://www.bpb.de/kurz-knapp/lexika/handwoerterbuch-politisches-system/202214/wohlfahrtsverbaende/
https://www.bagfw.de/
Ireland
Public trust in the government and public sector in Ireland remains strong compared to the EU-27, a phenomenon Sabel (2020) has termed a “deliberative miracle.” This strong social partnership, based on consensus-building, leads to healthy participation of CSOs in policy processes from inception to implementation. The main venue for participation is the Citizens’ Assemblies, which have recently become open to any adult resident of Ireland. The latest assembly in October made recommendations on drug use. In 2015, as part of the Civil Service Action Plan (DPER 2014), Open Policy Debates were introduced to include experts and CSOs in the early stages of policy drafting. Additionally, the Constitutional Convention allows citizens and CSOs to contribute to proposed changes to the Constitution. Departmental communication offices actively engage with the public. More than a decade ago, Murphy (2011) raised concerns that decades of partnership arrangements might have served to silence ideological debate and alternative political discourse, effectively co-opting civil society through corporatism.
Citations:
Citizens Information. 2023. “Citizens’ Assembly.” https://www.citizensinformation.ie/en/government-in-ireland/irish-constitution-1/citizens-assembly/
Sabel, C. 2020. “Governance and Wicked Problems: Environment, Climate, Human Services and Quality Jobs.” Paper prepared for the Knowledge and Policy: Confronting Governance Challenges in the New Decade Conference, January, Dublin: NESC and Department of Sociology, Maynooth University.
Murphy, M.P. 2011. “Civil Society in the Shadow of the Irish State.” Irish Journal of Sociology 19 (2): 170-187.
Citizens Information. 2023. “Citizens’ Assembly.” https://www.citizensinformation.ie/en/government-in-ireland/irish-constitution-1/citizens-assembly/
Sabel, C. 2020. “Governance and Wicked Problems: Environment, Climate, Human Services and Quality Jobs.” Paper prepared for the Knowledge and Policy: Confronting Governance Challenges in the New Decade Conference, January, Dublin: NESC and Department of Sociology, Maynooth University.
Murphy, M.P. 2011. “Civil Society in the Shadow of the Irish State.” Irish Journal of Sociology 19 (2): 170-187.
Israel
Many welfare services in Israel are provided by NGOs and for-profit businesses (Paz-Fuchs et al. 2018). As a result, these entities are deeply involved in many stages of the policymaking process. The social ministries (education, welfare and immigration) often conduct roundtables with both for-profit and nonprofit organizations, where these organizations provide input on the discussed policies. Additionally, the ministries frequently use data provided by these social organizations and rely on their expertise. These organizations participate in many professional committees, are invited to Knesset meetings (usually by members of the Knesset rather than the ministries) (e.g., Gal & Weiss-Gal 2010) and issue numerous policy papers used by the government.
The consultation process lacks transparency, making it unclear whether a plurality of voices is represented or if the same organizations maintain a monopoly on specific fields due to their expertise. Consequently, it is challenging to determine the inclusivity of the process. There is no formal directive regarding who should be invited to the consultation; this is typically at the discretion of the department in charge.
The PMO hosts a roundtable that regularly consults with social organizations. However, there is no formal directive on the frequency of these consultations and no assessment of their actual effect on the policies implemented.
Social organizations express their dissatisfaction with government policy primarily when there are budget cuts or significant policy changes. Additionally, critique arises if a major scandal or severe problem is uncovered by the media. Given that social services in Israel have faced retrenchment over the past two decades, such critique has become more frequent. The government is minimally involved in resolving disputes within major organizations.
The consultation process lacks transparency, making it unclear whether a plurality of voices is represented or if the same organizations maintain a monopoly on specific fields due to their expertise. Consequently, it is challenging to determine the inclusivity of the process. There is no formal directive regarding who should be invited to the consultation; this is typically at the discretion of the department in charge.
The PMO hosts a roundtable that regularly consults with social organizations. However, there is no formal directive on the frequency of these consultations and no assessment of their actual effect on the policies implemented.
Social organizations express their dissatisfaction with government policy primarily when there are budget cuts or significant policy changes. Additionally, critique arises if a major scandal or severe problem is uncovered by the media. Given that social services in Israel have faced retrenchment over the past two decades, such critique has become more frequent. The government is minimally involved in resolving disputes within major organizations.
Citations:
Paz-Fuchs, A., Mandelkern, R., and Galnoor, I., eds. 2018. The Privatization of Israel: The Withdrawal of State Responsibility. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. https://www.palgrave.com/gp/book/9781137601568#otherversion=9781137582614
Gal, J., and Weiss-Gal, I. 2010. “Social Policy Formulation and the Role of Professionals: The Involvement of Social Workers in Parliamentary Committees in Israel: Social Policy Formulation and Professionals.” Health & Social Care in the Community (no-no). https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-2524.2010.00955
Paz-Fuchs, A., Mandelkern, R., and Galnoor, I., eds. 2018. The Privatization of Israel: The Withdrawal of State Responsibility. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. https://www.palgrave.com/gp/book/9781137601568#otherversion=9781137582614
Gal, J., and Weiss-Gal, I. 2010. “Social Policy Formulation and the Role of Professionals: The Involvement of Social Workers in Parliamentary Committees in Israel: Social Policy Formulation and Professionals.” Health & Social Care in the Community (no-no). https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-2524.2010.00955
Lithuania
Most of the time, the government effectively involves leading social welfare CSOs in policy development processes. The Ministry of Social Security and Labor organizes standing platforms for dialogue and funding to engage CSOs and strengthen their capacity to provide policy advice. The government also aims to include stakeholders, including CSOs, in consultations during the drafting of new legal initiatives and through the Open Government Initiative. For example, guidelines for public consultations are prepared and available on the government website, with the goal of facilitating consultation with relevant stakeholders for line-ministry officials drafting new laws.
In the view of CSOs, the government led by Ingrida Šimonytė has been more willing than its predecessors to involve CSOs in consultations. Yet, in many cases, the views and solutions offered by CSOs are not reflected in final policy decisions, suggesting that the consultation process is frequently passive. On the other hand, CSOs themselves still lack the capacity to provide timely and evidence-informed policy advice.
In the view of CSOs, the government led by Ingrida Šimonytė has been more willing than its predecessors to involve CSOs in consultations. Yet, in many cases, the views and solutions offered by CSOs are not reflected in final policy decisions, suggesting that the consultation process is frequently passive. On the other hand, CSOs themselves still lack the capacity to provide timely and evidence-informed policy advice.
Citations:
Ministry of Social Security and Labor. “NGO.” https://socmin.lrv.lt/en/useful-links/ngo
The Government of Lithuania. “About public consultations (in Lithuanian).” https://epilietis.lrv.lt/lt/atvira-vyriausybe-3/apie-viesasias-konsultacijas
Ministry of Social Security and Labor. “NGO.” https://socmin.lrv.lt/en/useful-links/ngo
The Government of Lithuania. “About public consultations (in Lithuanian).” https://epilietis.lrv.lt/lt/atvira-vyriausybe-3/apie-viesasias-konsultacijas
New Zealand
While various institutional mechanisms exist to involve social welfare CSOs in the policymaking process, such as formal consultation processes, public submissions and working groups, it is ultimately up to the government to decide whether to utilize these mechanisms.
The Labour governments under Ardern and Hipkins (2017 – 2023) followed a policy agenda that prioritized social welfare and regularly engaged with relevant CSOs. For example, they worked through the Child Wellbeing and Poverty Reduction Group, set up within the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet in 2018, and the Mental Health and Wellbeing Commission, which was launched in 2021. Labour also established the Welfare Expert Advisory Group in 2018, which includes representatives from CSOs involved in social welfare.
The Ministry for Women also collaborates with the National Advisory Council on the Employment of Women, an independent advisory body established in 1967. This council regularly advises the minister for women on matters regarding women’s employment and has done so since the Ministry’s establishment in 1985.
Engagement in the policymaking process does not guarantee that governments will act on consultations with social welfare CSOs. One illustrative example is the Labour government failing to implement any of the 42 “urgent” recommendations put forward by the Welfare Expert Advisory Group in its 2019 Whakamana Tāngata: Restoring Dignity to Social Security report (Neilson 2023).
The new National-led coalition under Luxon has announced plans to roll back social welfare programs (Cheng 2023). Consequently, government engagement with social welfare CSOs in the policymaking process is expected to decrease significantly.
The Labour governments under Ardern and Hipkins (2017 – 2023) followed a policy agenda that prioritized social welfare and regularly engaged with relevant CSOs. For example, they worked through the Child Wellbeing and Poverty Reduction Group, set up within the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet in 2018, and the Mental Health and Wellbeing Commission, which was launched in 2021. Labour also established the Welfare Expert Advisory Group in 2018, which includes representatives from CSOs involved in social welfare.
The Ministry for Women also collaborates with the National Advisory Council on the Employment of Women, an independent advisory body established in 1967. This council regularly advises the minister for women on matters regarding women’s employment and has done so since the Ministry’s establishment in 1985.
Engagement in the policymaking process does not guarantee that governments will act on consultations with social welfare CSOs. One illustrative example is the Labour government failing to implement any of the 42 “urgent” recommendations put forward by the Welfare Expert Advisory Group in its 2019 Whakamana Tāngata: Restoring Dignity to Social Security report (Neilson 2023).
The new National-led coalition under Luxon has announced plans to roll back social welfare programs (Cheng 2023). Consequently, government engagement with social welfare CSOs in the policymaking process is expected to decrease significantly.
Citations:
Cheng, D. 2023. “Election 2023: Child poverty at issue as National, Labour vie over fiscal holes, welfare changes.” New Zealand Herald, September 30. https://www.nzherald.co.nz/nz/politics/election-2023-child-poverty-at-issue-as-national-labour-vie-over-fiscal-holes-welfare-changes/2T6Q2AMNJ5AWHJFSVUVUL34ZQI/
Neilson, M. 2023. “WEAG Welfare Overhaul Update, Govt Defends $14.6b Programme While Anti-poverty Campaigners Say ‘Woefully Slow.’“ New Zealand Herald, March 21. https://www.nzherald.co.nz/nz/politics/weag-welfare-overhaul-update-govt-defends-146b-programme-while-anti-poverty-campaigners-say-woefully-slow/HYL5CB5O7ZHFXMBQDQHG2E4N34/
Cheng, D. 2023. “Election 2023: Child poverty at issue as National, Labour vie over fiscal holes, welfare changes.” New Zealand Herald, September 30. https://www.nzherald.co.nz/nz/politics/election-2023-child-poverty-at-issue-as-national-labour-vie-over-fiscal-holes-welfare-changes/2T6Q2AMNJ5AWHJFSVUVUL34ZQI/
Neilson, M. 2023. “WEAG Welfare Overhaul Update, Govt Defends $14.6b Programme While Anti-poverty Campaigners Say ‘Woefully Slow.’“ New Zealand Herald, March 21. https://www.nzherald.co.nz/nz/politics/weag-welfare-overhaul-update-govt-defends-146b-programme-while-anti-poverty-campaigners-say-woefully-slow/HYL5CB5O7ZHFXMBQDQHG2E4N34/
Slovenia
Including civil society organizations in social welfare is not as systematic as including representatives of capital and labor. Instead, representatives of social welfare organizations are often included in government working groups established for specific topics.
In the last two years, several new working groups have been formed. In October 2022, the Working Group for the Preparation of the Strategy in the Field of Migration was established. This was followed in February 2023 by the Committee for Monitoring the Program of the Asylum, Migration and Integration Fund, the Program of the Fund for Internal Security, and the Program of the Instrument for Financial Support for Border Management and Visa Policy under the Integrated Border Management Fund. In May 2023, the Working Group for the Preparation of the Strategy in the Field of Integration of Foreigners was set up. Additionally, in April 2023, the Council of the Republic of Slovenia for Children and Family was established as a permanent advisory body to the government. Its members include representatives of non-governmental organizations and professional institutions active in the field of children and families, as well as representatives of the government.
In the last two years, several new working groups have been formed. In October 2022, the Working Group for the Preparation of the Strategy in the Field of Migration was established. This was followed in February 2023 by the Committee for Monitoring the Program of the Asylum, Migration and Integration Fund, the Program of the Fund for Internal Security, and the Program of the Instrument for Financial Support for Border Management and Visa Policy under the Integrated Border Management Fund. In May 2023, the Working Group for the Preparation of the Strategy in the Field of Integration of Foreigners was set up. Additionally, in April 2023, the Council of the Republic of Slovenia for Children and Family was established as a permanent advisory body to the government. Its members include representatives of non-governmental organizations and professional institutions active in the field of children and families, as well as representatives of the government.
Citations:
Republika Slovenija. 2024. “Delovna telese Vlade.” https://www.gov.si/zbirke/delovna-telesa?start=0
Republika Slovenija. 2024. “Delovna telese Vlade.” https://www.gov.si/zbirke/delovna-telesa?start=0
Spain
7
Government officials and CSOs frequently engage in social welfare, though this role varies across policy areas depending on decentralization and the governing parties. For example, in youth policies, CSOs’ participation is channeled through the Council of Youth. However, the frequent use of emergency legislation has limited CSOs’ effective participation in legislative proposal preparation.
The government has also convened numerous meetings with social stakeholders to structure and monitor the implementation of the RRP. According to Eurofound, while the outcomes and overall satisfaction of social partners were positive, there were complaints about insufficient preparation time and lack of timely background information. The government did not provide the necessary background information in a timely manner. As a result, the social partners often found it challenging to prepare for work sessions.
The government’s involvement in moderating disputes among CSOs or following up on consultation talks is less compared to its role with unions and employers. The Minister for Social Affairs, appointed in 2022 and 2023, ranked low in terms of meetings with CSOs, having held only nine meetings according to their public agenda.
Government officials and CSOs frequently engage in social welfare, though this role varies across policy areas depending on decentralization and the governing parties. For example, in youth policies, CSOs’ participation is channeled through the Council of Youth. However, the frequent use of emergency legislation has limited CSOs’ effective participation in legislative proposal preparation.
The government has also convened numerous meetings with social stakeholders to structure and monitor the implementation of the RRP. According to Eurofound, while the outcomes and overall satisfaction of social partners were positive, there were complaints about insufficient preparation time and lack of timely background information. The government did not provide the necessary background information in a timely manner. As a result, the social partners often found it challenging to prepare for work sessions.
The government’s involvement in moderating disputes among CSOs or following up on consultation talks is less compared to its role with unions and employers. The Minister for Social Affairs, appointed in 2022 and 2023, ranked low in terms of meetings with CSOs, having held only nine meetings according to their public agenda.
Citations:
Eurofound. 2022. Involvement of Social Partners in the National Recovery and Resilience Plans. Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union.
Eurofound. 2022. Involvement of Social Partners in the National Recovery and Resilience Plans. Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union.
Switzerland
Historically characterized by neocorporatism, the Swiss political system has seen a gradual shift toward a more pluralistic approach in which a variety of interest groups, including social welfare CSOs, have gained increased access to the policymaking process. This transition reflects a move away from a system that was predominantly dominated by major economic umbrella associations.
Eichenberger (2020) notes that the legal framework in Switzerland has evolved to mandate “balanced representation” in decision-making bodies, ensuring the inclusion of diverse interests. This legal evolution is evident in the participation of social welfare CSOs in extra-parliamentary committees and in these organizations’ responses to consultations, in which the share of access granted to citizen groups has increased in both administrative and legislative venues.
However, major economic groups, including business interest associations and trade unions, continue to hold a dominant position, particularly in the domains of economic and social policies (Mach, Varone and Eichenberger, 2020).
Eichenberger (2020) notes that the legal framework in Switzerland has evolved to mandate “balanced representation” in decision-making bodies, ensuring the inclusion of diverse interests. This legal evolution is evident in the participation of social welfare CSOs in extra-parliamentary committees and in these organizations’ responses to consultations, in which the share of access granted to citizen groups has increased in both administrative and legislative venues.
However, major economic groups, including business interest associations and trade unions, continue to hold a dominant position, particularly in the domains of economic and social policies (Mach, Varone and Eichenberger, 2020).
Citations:
Eichenberger, S. 2020. “The Rise of Citizen Groups within the Administration and Parliament in Switzerland.” Swiss Political Science Review 26 (2): 206-227.
Mach, A., Varone, F., and Eichenberger, S. 2020. “Transformations of Swiss Neo-Corporatism: From Pre-Parliamentary Negotiations toward Privileged Pluralism in the Parliamentary Venue.” In The European Social Model under Pressure, eds. Careja, R., Emmenegger, P., and Giger, N. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-27043-8_4
Eichenberger, S. 2020. “The Rise of Citizen Groups within the Administration and Parliament in Switzerland.” Swiss Political Science Review 26 (2): 206-227.
Mach, A., Varone, F., and Eichenberger, S. 2020. “Transformations of Swiss Neo-Corporatism: From Pre-Parliamentary Negotiations toward Privileged Pluralism in the Parliamentary Venue.” In The European Social Model under Pressure, eds. Careja, R., Emmenegger, P., and Giger, N. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-27043-8_4
USA
The extent to which the U.S. federal government facilitates the participation of leading social welfare civil society organizations is contingent on a variety of factors, including the political affiliation of the presidential administration, the type of policy area, and the differing structures and reputations of the CSOs.
Federal agencies welcome input during public comment periods as they revise rules and practices. This process provides opportunities for civil society organizations (CSOs) to contribute. For example, a housing charity or campaign group might participate in a public comment period initiated by the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) or the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS).
In some cases, CSOs might be welcomed by the federal government to become formal or informal advisers or even partners in the delivery of certain programs. For example, Feeding America is the largest hunger relief charity in the United States. It runs over 200 food banks across the country and collaborates with the U.S. Department of Agriculture in several areas (Handforth et al. 2013). Feeding America’s food banks are used by the USDA’s TEFAP (The Emergency Food Assistance Program) to distribute federally funded food packages to those in need (Levedahl et al. 1994). Equally, Feeding America works with FEMA (the Federal Emergency Management Agency) to provide food packages to individuals who might be affected by short-term loss of resources due to a disaster, such as a hurricane or tornado.
The federal government also provides a range of grants to support the work of social welfare CSOs (Balio 2023). For example, the Department of Health and Human Services’ Community Services Block Grant (CSBG) funds social welfare CSOs involved in alleviating poverty (Spar 2008). This support might include job training, childcare, counseling, and housing assistance.
Federal agencies welcome input during public comment periods as they revise rules and practices. This process provides opportunities for civil society organizations (CSOs) to contribute. For example, a housing charity or campaign group might participate in a public comment period initiated by the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) or the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS).
In some cases, CSOs might be welcomed by the federal government to become formal or informal advisers or even partners in the delivery of certain programs. For example, Feeding America is the largest hunger relief charity in the United States. It runs over 200 food banks across the country and collaborates with the U.S. Department of Agriculture in several areas (Handforth et al. 2013). Feeding America’s food banks are used by the USDA’s TEFAP (The Emergency Food Assistance Program) to distribute federally funded food packages to those in need (Levedahl et al. 1994). Equally, Feeding America works with FEMA (the Federal Emergency Management Agency) to provide food packages to individuals who might be affected by short-term loss of resources due to a disaster, such as a hurricane or tornado.
The federal government also provides a range of grants to support the work of social welfare CSOs (Balio 2023). For example, the Department of Health and Human Services’ Community Services Block Grant (CSBG) funds social welfare CSOs involved in alleviating poverty (Spar 2008). This support might include job training, childcare, counseling, and housing assistance.
Citations:
Karen Spar. 2008. “Community Services Block Grants: Funding and Reauthorization.” Congressional Research Service.
Casey Balio, Stephanie Mathis, Margaret Francisco, Michael Meit, and Kate Beatty. 2023. “State Priorities and Needs: The Role of Block Grants.” Public Health Reports.
William Levedahl, Nicole Ballenger, and Courtney Harold. 1994. “Comparing the Emergency Food Assistance Program and the Food Stamp Program: Recipient Characteristics, Market Effects, and Benefit-Cost Ratios.” Agricultural Economic Report.
Becky Handforth, Monique Hennink, and Marlene Schwartz. 2013. “A Qualitative Study of Nutrition-Based Initiatives at Selected Food Banks in the Feeding America Network.”
Karen Spar. 2008. “Community Services Block Grants: Funding and Reauthorization.” Congressional Research Service.
Casey Balio, Stephanie Mathis, Margaret Francisco, Michael Meit, and Kate Beatty. 2023. “State Priorities and Needs: The Role of Block Grants.” Public Health Reports.
William Levedahl, Nicole Ballenger, and Courtney Harold. 1994. “Comparing the Emergency Food Assistance Program and the Food Stamp Program: Recipient Characteristics, Market Effects, and Benefit-Cost Ratios.” Agricultural Economic Report.
Becky Handforth, Monique Hennink, and Marlene Schwartz. 2013. “A Qualitative Study of Nutrition-Based Initiatives at Selected Food Banks in the Feeding America Network.”
6
Estonia
The policy-formulation capacity of noneconomic interest groups varies across fields of interest and with the scope of the intended impact. Generally, the capacities of social welfare civil society organizations (CSOs) are even more limited than those of unions or employer associations. Most CSOs are small and possess limited financial and human resources. However, in the realm of social welfare, the situation has improved, and a more genuine involvement of welfare experts has been taking root.
In 2023, the Welfare Development Plan 2016 – 2023 (WDP) was approved by the government. This process started in 2021 and involved many stakeholders. Consultations and discussions took place in bodies related to the well-being performance area of the state budget and the steering committee of the previous Welfare Development Plan during the drafting process. A steering committee was convened, and 11 thematic working groups were set up under the leadership of officials from the Ministry of Social Affairs.
Broad-based discussions took place in the well-being area of the 2021 Opinion Festival, a wider public engagement event very popular in Estonia. Discussions on the objectives of the development plan occurred throughout the event. WDP 2016 – 2023 is one of the sub-programs of Estonia 2035, the Estonian government’s long-term strategic action plan.
In 2023, the Welfare Development Plan 2016 – 2023 (WDP) was approved by the government. This process started in 2021 and involved many stakeholders. Consultations and discussions took place in bodies related to the well-being performance area of the state budget and the steering committee of the previous Welfare Development Plan during the drafting process. A steering committee was convened, and 11 thematic working groups were set up under the leadership of officials from the Ministry of Social Affairs.
Broad-based discussions took place in the well-being area of the 2021 Opinion Festival, a wider public engagement event very popular in Estonia. Discussions on the objectives of the development plan occurred throughout the event. WDP 2016 – 2023 is one of the sub-programs of Estonia 2035, the Estonian government’s long-term strategic action plan.
Latvia
Social welfare CSOs are primarily involved in social service delivery, but their ability to participate in policy development varies. The Society Integration Foundation (SIF, a public agency) was established in 2001 to foster CSO involvement in social development policy. SIF aims to support and advance societal integration, managing and allocating resources for projects that foster the integration and development of the public and NGO sectors.
Throughout 2022 SIF consistently provided essential sustenance and material aid across Latvia, advancing social inclusion with diverse initiatives. With support packages totaling more than €769,000 distributed, CSOs also conducted events to educate on discrimination and promote equality, culminating in the multi-year “Openness is a value” campaign (Sabiedrības Integrācijas Fonds, 2023). The projects financed by the foundation thus strengthen the capacity of CSOs in both policy design and service delivery. However, CSOs often face sustainability challenges after implementing these projects.
Many CSOs participate in the advisory councils under the Ministry of Welfare, bringing sector-related expertise to the ministry. However, the cooperation process is poorly organized, with infrequent meetings and limited information exchange.
Major CSOs generally participate in the policymaking process without much dissatisfaction regarding their involvement. They are often invited and heard in parliamentary committee meetings, with no reported cases of denial if they are interested in participating. During the COVID-19 crisis, leading CSOs were involved in cabinet meetings and allowed to express their views. However, CSOs most commonly express dissatisfaction when their opinions, especially on contentious issues, are not considered in final decisions, even though they have had the opportunity to present their views.
CSOs active in social welfare often voice dissatisfaction with policy outcomes in their sector. In 2020, this discontent was evident when 15 leading NGOs in the social services sector signed a letter criticizing the Ministry of Welfare. They expressed frustration with the ministry’s failure, over the past 10 – 15 years, to effectively support the welfare sector’s interests. This criticism encompassed issues related to social service provision, social insurance, child rights protection, and the deinstitutionalization process.
Throughout 2022 SIF consistently provided essential sustenance and material aid across Latvia, advancing social inclusion with diverse initiatives. With support packages totaling more than €769,000 distributed, CSOs also conducted events to educate on discrimination and promote equality, culminating in the multi-year “Openness is a value” campaign (Sabiedrības Integrācijas Fonds, 2023). The projects financed by the foundation thus strengthen the capacity of CSOs in both policy design and service delivery. However, CSOs often face sustainability challenges after implementing these projects.
Many CSOs participate in the advisory councils under the Ministry of Welfare, bringing sector-related expertise to the ministry. However, the cooperation process is poorly organized, with infrequent meetings and limited information exchange.
Major CSOs generally participate in the policymaking process without much dissatisfaction regarding their involvement. They are often invited and heard in parliamentary committee meetings, with no reported cases of denial if they are interested in participating. During the COVID-19 crisis, leading CSOs were involved in cabinet meetings and allowed to express their views. However, CSOs most commonly express dissatisfaction when their opinions, especially on contentious issues, are not considered in final decisions, even though they have had the opportunity to present their views.
CSOs active in social welfare often voice dissatisfaction with policy outcomes in their sector. In 2020, this discontent was evident when 15 leading NGOs in the social services sector signed a letter criticizing the Ministry of Welfare. They expressed frustration with the ministry’s failure, over the past 10 – 15 years, to effectively support the welfare sector’s interests. This criticism encompassed issues related to social service provision, social insurance, child rights protection, and the deinstitutionalization process.
Citations:
Sabiedrības integrācijas fonds. 2023. “Sabiedrības integrācijas fonda 2022. gada publiskais pārskats.” https://www.sif.gov.lv/lv/media/4938/download?attachment
Labklājības ministrija. 2021. “Senioru lietu padome.” https://www.lm.gov.lv/lv/senioru-lietu-padome
Labklājības ministrija. 2020. “Sadarbības partneri.” https://www.lm.gov.lv/lv/sadarbibas-partneri
Tiesībsargs. 2022. “Darbs pie 2022. gada Eiropas Komisijas Ziņojuma par tiesiskumu.” https://www.tiesibsargs.lv/wp-content/uploads/migrate_2022/content/ek_tiesiskums_kopsavilkums_1648193765.pdf
Latvijas pilsoniskā alianse. 2020. “15 vadošās sociālo pakalpojumu nozares organizācijas nosūtījušas prasības Labklājības ministrijai.” https://nvo.lv/lv/zina/15_vadosas_socialo_pakalpojumu_nozares_organizacijas_nosutijusas_prasibas_labklajibas_ministrijai
Sabiedrības integrācijas fonds. 2023. “Sabiedrības integrācijas fonda 2022. gada publiskais pārskats.” https://www.sif.gov.lv/lv/media/4938/download?attachment
Labklājības ministrija. 2021. “Senioru lietu padome.” https://www.lm.gov.lv/lv/senioru-lietu-padome
Labklājības ministrija. 2020. “Sadarbības partneri.” https://www.lm.gov.lv/lv/sadarbibas-partneri
Tiesībsargs. 2022. “Darbs pie 2022. gada Eiropas Komisijas Ziņojuma par tiesiskumu.” https://www.tiesibsargs.lv/wp-content/uploads/migrate_2022/content/ek_tiesiskums_kopsavilkums_1648193765.pdf
Latvijas pilsoniskā alianse. 2020. “15 vadošās sociālo pakalpojumu nozares organizācijas nosūtījušas prasības Labklājības ministrijai.” https://nvo.lv/lv/zina/15_vadosas_socialo_pakalpojumu_nozares_organizacijas_nosutijusas_prasibas_labklajibas_ministrijai
Portugal
Leading CSOs in social welfare participate in the policymaking process through the Economic and Social Council (CES), particularly within the Permanent Commission for Social Concertation (CPCS). This constitutional body serves as a platform for negotiation and dialogue among sovereign bodies, economic entities, and social agents, contributing to the formulation and decision-making of policies. Article 92 of the Constitution of the Portuguese Republic outlines the dual competencies of the Economic and Social Council: advisory and social concertation.
In accordance with Law No. 108/91, the CPCS incorporates representatives from diverse civil society organizations specializing in social welfare (Article 3), thereby strengthening the engagement of these organizations in the policymaking process. It is noteworthy that employer and trade union confederations, recognized as social partners, hold significant responsibilities in discussing major options in economic, labor, and social policy, albeit in a consultative capacity (Almeida et al. 2016).
However, both the CPCS and CES have faced criticism for excessive government influence on their agendas and a perceived lack of representativeness (Almeida et al., 2016). Concerns have been raised about the unclear selection process for representatives from both employers and employees, with some viewing this structure as a form of “selective corporatism” (Sá, 1999).
Furthermore, implementing public policies often involves the collaboration of other social agents, including specialized bodies, universities, and research centers. Despite this, there is considerable potential for broader engagement in this domain, allowing for the inclusion of a more diverse array of representatives from society in the development of executive measures.
In accordance with Law No. 108/91, the CPCS incorporates representatives from diverse civil society organizations specializing in social welfare (Article 3), thereby strengthening the engagement of these organizations in the policymaking process. It is noteworthy that employer and trade union confederations, recognized as social partners, hold significant responsibilities in discussing major options in economic, labor, and social policy, albeit in a consultative capacity (Almeida et al. 2016).
However, both the CPCS and CES have faced criticism for excessive government influence on their agendas and a perceived lack of representativeness (Almeida et al., 2016). Concerns have been raised about the unclear selection process for representatives from both employers and employees, with some viewing this structure as a form of “selective corporatism” (Sá, 1999).
Furthermore, implementing public policies often involves the collaboration of other social agents, including specialized bodies, universities, and research centers. Despite this, there is considerable potential for broader engagement in this domain, allowing for the inclusion of a more diverse array of representatives from society in the development of executive measures.
Citations:
Conselho Económico e Social (CES), https://ces.pt/conselho-economico-e-social/
DRE. 1991. Law nº 108/91. Série I-A, nº 188, August 17. 4199. https://diariodarepublica.pt/dr/legislacao-consolidada/lei/1991-58928557
Luis. 1999. “Concertação Social e ‘corporativismo selectivo’ e Questões Laborais.” 14: 162-173.
Almeida, J. R., Silva, M. C., Fereira, A. C., Costa, H. 2016. Concertação Social: A actividade da CPCS DE 2009 A 2015 – ecos das políticas europeias. Centro de Estudos Sociais, Universidade de Coimbra. https://www.ces.uc.pt/observatorios/crisalt/documentos/cadernos/Caderno_9_Concertacao_Social.pdf
Conselho Económico e Social (CES), https://ces.pt/conselho-economico-e-social/
DRE. 1991. Law nº 108/91. Série I-A, nº 188, August 17. 4199. https://diariodarepublica.pt/dr/legislacao-consolidada/lei/1991-58928557
Luis. 1999. “Concertação Social e ‘corporativismo selectivo’ e Questões Laborais.” 14: 162-173.
Almeida, J. R., Silva, M. C., Fereira, A. C., Costa, H. 2016. Concertação Social: A actividade da CPCS DE 2009 A 2015 – ecos das políticas europeias. Centro de Estudos Sociais, Universidade de Coimbra. https://www.ces.uc.pt/observatorios/crisalt/documentos/cadernos/Caderno_9_Concertacao_Social.pdf
Slovakia
In addition to labor issues, the Economic and Social Council of the Slovak Republic addresses welfare matters. The Ministry of Labor, Social Affairs, and Family of the SR (Ministry of Labor) has several other councils that handle different welfare areas, such as senior citizens, families and differently abled individuals. Each council includes several members representing prominent CSOs in their respective regions. According to council statutes, CSOs should normally be consulted during the ex ante assessment of all draft laws in the area (legislative rules). Mechanisms allow social welfare CSOs to engage in expert commissions, public hearings, and performance monitoring. All official documents, including meeting minutes, voting records, and resolutions, are available on the Ministry of Labor’s website. However, not all aspects of the consultation process are fully transparent.
The quality of consultations and the results depend on the specific conditions and actors involved. The OĽANO governments from 2020 to 2023 often made decisions independently of other stakeholders’ positions due to their limited capacity for participative decision-making (see Malý and Nemec, 2023). Trade unions and other primary CSOs in the welfare area are publicly visible, and the media report criticism regarding the quality of their participation in policymaking and policy implementation processes. Besides government councils, there are no visible formal mechanisms to organize disputes within and between major social welfare CSOs or to balance potentially diverse opinions in practice.
The quality of consultations and the results depend on the specific conditions and actors involved. The OĽANO governments from 2020 to 2023 often made decisions independently of other stakeholders’ positions due to their limited capacity for participative decision-making (see Malý and Nemec, 2023). Trade unions and other primary CSOs in the welfare area are publicly visible, and the media report criticism regarding the quality of their participation in policymaking and policy implementation processes. Besides government councils, there are no visible formal mechanisms to organize disputes within and between major social welfare CSOs or to balance potentially diverse opinions in practice.
Citations:
Malý, I., and J. Nemec. 2023. “‘Non-Standard’ Political Parties and The Capacity to Govern in Turbulent Times: Slovakia 2020-2022.” Transylvanian Review of Administrative Sciences Special issue: 101-117.
Malý, I., and J. Nemec. 2023. “‘Non-Standard’ Political Parties and The Capacity to Govern in Turbulent Times: Slovakia 2020-2022.” Transylvanian Review of Administrative Sciences Special issue: 101-117.
The government is rarely able to effectively involve leading social welfare CSOs in policy development.
5
Greece
The involvement of prominent social welfare CSOs in the initial stages of policymaking on key issues is limited.
Greece maintains an official national registry of social welfare CSOs, managed by the National Centre for Social Solidarity (EKKA), a branch of the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs. However, the registry’s primary purpose is to accredit local social welfare CSOs authorized to carry out welfare tasks, such as childcare and elderly assistance, rather than to facilitate policy consultation. The board of trustees of EKKA includes a representative of the national confederation of persons with disabilities (EKKA 2024). Although government officials sometimes consult social welfare CSOs informally before drafting legislation, formal consultations are infrequent.
There is, however, a legislative mechanism for consultation in Greece. CSOs and interested citizens can participate in the electronic deliberation required before any ministry submits draft legislation to parliament. Ministries, such as the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs and the newly established Ministry of Social Cohesion and Family (2023), are mandated to upload draft legislation to their official websites and invite public feedback before finalizing the bill for submission to parliament. Following this process, the “Permanent Committee on Social Affairs” is convened to debate the legislation, with representatives of CSOs and social welfare experts invited to participate. Despite these mechanisms, the involvement of leading social welfare CSOs in policy development remains less than desirable.
Greece maintains an official national registry of social welfare CSOs, managed by the National Centre for Social Solidarity (EKKA), a branch of the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs. However, the registry’s primary purpose is to accredit local social welfare CSOs authorized to carry out welfare tasks, such as childcare and elderly assistance, rather than to facilitate policy consultation. The board of trustees of EKKA includes a representative of the national confederation of persons with disabilities (EKKA 2024). Although government officials sometimes consult social welfare CSOs informally before drafting legislation, formal consultations are infrequent.
There is, however, a legislative mechanism for consultation in Greece. CSOs and interested citizens can participate in the electronic deliberation required before any ministry submits draft legislation to parliament. Ministries, such as the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs and the newly established Ministry of Social Cohesion and Family (2023), are mandated to upload draft legislation to their official websites and invite public feedback before finalizing the bill for submission to parliament. Following this process, the “Permanent Committee on Social Affairs” is convened to debate the legislation, with representatives of CSOs and social welfare experts invited to participate. Despite these mechanisms, the involvement of leading social welfare CSOs in policy development remains less than desirable.
Citations:
EKKA. 2024. “https://ekka.org.gr/index.php/en/”
The website of the “Permanent Committee on Social Affairs” is https://www.hellenicparliament.gr/Koinovouleftikes-Epitropes/CommiteeDetailView?CommitteeId=583b7a49-8542-41c0-8e16-e1c22246bfa6
EKKA. 2024. “https://ekka.org.gr/index.php/en/”
The website of the “Permanent Committee on Social Affairs” is https://www.hellenicparliament.gr/Koinovouleftikes-Epitropes/CommiteeDetailView?CommitteeId=583b7a49-8542-41c0-8e16-e1c22246bfa6
Italy
Italian legislation (Legislative Decree 117/2017) mandates that public administrations ensure the active involvement of third-sector entities to uphold the principles of subsidiarity, cooperation, effectiveness, efficiency, economy, homogeneity, and financial and asset coverage. This involvement should be incorporated through co-programming, co-planning, and co-signing as public administrations exercise their planning and organizational functions at the territorial level.
The third sector in Italy comprises 375,000 institutions, including associations, foundations, and social cooperatives – an increase of 25% compared to 10 years ago. The production value of the third sector is estimated at €80 billion, representing almost 5% of the gross domestic product. There are more than 900,000 employees, 70% of whom are women, and 4 million volunteers.
Eighty-five percent of third-sector institutions are associations; the remaining 15% are social cooperatives, foundations, trade unions, or organizations. Two-thirds of nonprofit organizations (65%) are active in culture, sport, and recreation, followed by social welfare and civil protection (9%), trade unions and business (6%), religion (5%), education and research (4%), and health (4%).
The involvement of social welfare CSOs takes place mainly at the regional and local levels, as welfare services are attributed to the regions and municipalities. The national level is less involved. Available data show that at the regional and local levels, especially in North-Central Italy, the involvement of CSOs in the provision of social services is significant and extensive.
Thus, interactions between governments and CSOs are deep and stable at the subnational level. At the central level, however, they are weak, except for the role the Ministry of Labor plays in addressing and promoting third-sector activities and in planning, developing, and implementing initiatives related to EU Structural Funds for integrating social and active labor policies.
The third sector in Italy comprises 375,000 institutions, including associations, foundations, and social cooperatives – an increase of 25% compared to 10 years ago. The production value of the third sector is estimated at €80 billion, representing almost 5% of the gross domestic product. There are more than 900,000 employees, 70% of whom are women, and 4 million volunteers.
Eighty-five percent of third-sector institutions are associations; the remaining 15% are social cooperatives, foundations, trade unions, or organizations. Two-thirds of nonprofit organizations (65%) are active in culture, sport, and recreation, followed by social welfare and civil protection (9%), trade unions and business (6%), religion (5%), education and research (4%), and health (4%).
The involvement of social welfare CSOs takes place mainly at the regional and local levels, as welfare services are attributed to the regions and municipalities. The national level is less involved. Available data show that at the regional and local levels, especially in North-Central Italy, the involvement of CSOs in the provision of social services is significant and extensive.
Thus, interactions between governments and CSOs are deep and stable at the subnational level. At the central level, however, they are weak, except for the role the Ministry of Labor plays in addressing and promoting third-sector activities and in planning, developing, and implementing initiatives related to EU Structural Funds for integrating social and active labor policies.
Citations:
Natoli, G., and A. Turchini, eds. 2023. L’offerta di servizi sociali del Terzo settore. IV Indagine sui servizi sociali realizzati dal non profit. Roma: Inapp. https://oa.inapp.org/xmlui/handle/20.500.12916/3924
Fondazione Sussidiarietà. 2022. Rapporto Sussidiarietà e… sviluppo sociale. Milano. https://www.astrid-online.it/static/upload/rapp/rapporto_sussidiarieta__21-22.pdf
Natoli, G., and A. Turchini, eds. 2023. L’offerta di servizi sociali del Terzo settore. IV Indagine sui servizi sociali realizzati dal non profit. Roma: Inapp. https://oa.inapp.org/xmlui/handle/20.500.12916/3924
Fondazione Sussidiarietà. 2022. Rapporto Sussidiarietà e… sviluppo sociale. Milano. https://www.astrid-online.it/static/upload/rapp/rapporto_sussidiarieta__21-22.pdf
4
France
Social welfare CSOs play a critical role in France. They participate significantly in the implementation of welfare programs, and several major associations are relatively powerful. This includes the French Red Cross, Emmaus and the Secours Catholique. Historically, some associations, such as the Fondation Abbé Pierre on housing rights and anti-poverty policy, have been able to exercise an effective influence on policymaking. This is, however, exceptional. Generally speaking, CSOs in this area – especially the most visible ones – are sometimes able to raise awareness of certain issues and thus influence public opinion. For instance, Restos du Coeur, a very popular CSO that provides free food to the needy, has regularly drawn attention to the issue of poverty. In the context of rising inflation in recent years, it regularly signaled that the organization’s projects were overwhelmed by demand, and unable to keep up. In 2003, its director announced that the organization was close to bankruptcy, leading to considerable public reactions but no major political initiative.
However, there are no institutional mechanisms ensuring active involvement of welfare CSOs in policymaking. Governments do not usually bring any of these CSOs into the policymaking process, even if they may be part of advisory groups or participate in parliamentary hearings. They have been influential only on specific occasions, for example when they attract considerable media attention, as illustrated by a recent study on access to healthcare for migrants by Pursch and colleagues (2020).
However, there are no institutional mechanisms ensuring active involvement of welfare CSOs in policymaking. Governments do not usually bring any of these CSOs into the policymaking process, even if they may be part of advisory groups or participate in parliamentary hearings. They have been influential only on specific occasions, for example when they attract considerable media attention, as illustrated by a recent study on access to healthcare for migrants by Pursch and colleagues (2020).
Citations:
Pursch, Benita, et al. 2020. “Health for all? A qualitative study of NGO support to migrants affected by structural violence in northern France.” Social Science & Medicine 248: 112838.
Lafore, Robert. 2010. “Le rôle des associations dans la mise en œuvre des politiques d’action sociale.” Informations sociales 2010/6 (162): 64-71.
Gallois, Florence. 2023. “Les associations du secteur social et médico-social: une analyse par les médiations institutionnelles.” Revue de la régulation Spring 2023. Retrieved 7 March 2024 from https://journals.openedition.org/regulation/22081
Pursch, Benita, et al. 2020. “Health for all? A qualitative study of NGO support to migrants affected by structural violence in northern France.” Social Science & Medicine 248: 112838.
Lafore, Robert. 2010. “Le rôle des associations dans la mise en œuvre des politiques d’action sociale.” Informations sociales 2010/6 (162): 64-71.
Gallois, Florence. 2023. “Les associations du secteur social et médico-social: une analyse par les médiations institutionnelles.” Revue de la régulation Spring 2023. Retrieved 7 March 2024 from https://journals.openedition.org/regulation/22081
Japan
Most welfare civil society organizations are small in size and limited in their policy outreach. Often, they cooperate closely with state institutions and focus on providing specific services rather than representing specific interests. As a result, their representatives are rarely invited to cabinet advisory bodies. Moreover, despite the large number of pensioners, they cannot be considered a powerful lobby group. The public pension insurance is reviewed every five years by experts on actuarial grounds. This leads to technocratic adjustments of pension benefits and contributions, which affect millions of citizens. On the other hand, public hearings create an opportunity for NGO representatives to express their opinions on issues such as the social security system.
According to the revised Grand Design and Action Plan for a New Form of Capitalism, issued in June 2023, the Kishida cabinet plans to utilize public-private partnership platforms to expand governmental support for NGOs working to solve local social issues. This aligns with previous policy to limit public spending by encouraging volunteering and non-state provision of services. Particular emphasis is put on cooperation with organizations that address loneliness and isolation, and promote human resources in rural areas and cities.
In February 2022, the Public-Private Collaboration Platform to Combat Loneliness and Isolation was established under the Cabinet Secretariat to encourage cooperation among more than 150 organizations in the field. There were no representatives of social welfare NGOs in the Experts’ Council for the Promotion of Measures for Loneliness and Isolation, which is composed exclusively of university professors. Ten meetings of the Forum on Loneliness and Isolation were held in 2021 to hear the opinions of NGOs, which were partly reflected in government policy.
According to the revised Grand Design and Action Plan for a New Form of Capitalism, issued in June 2023, the Kishida cabinet plans to utilize public-private partnership platforms to expand governmental support for NGOs working to solve local social issues. This aligns with previous policy to limit public spending by encouraging volunteering and non-state provision of services. Particular emphasis is put on cooperation with organizations that address loneliness and isolation, and promote human resources in rural areas and cities.
In February 2022, the Public-Private Collaboration Platform to Combat Loneliness and Isolation was established under the Cabinet Secretariat to encourage cooperation among more than 150 organizations in the field. There were no representatives of social welfare NGOs in the Experts’ Council for the Promotion of Measures for Loneliness and Isolation, which is composed exclusively of university professors. Ten meetings of the Forum on Loneliness and Isolation were held in 2021 to hear the opinions of NGOs, which were partly reflected in government policy.
Citations:
Cabinet Secretariat. 2023. “Grand Design and Action Plan for a New Form of Capitalism: 2023 Revised Version.” https://www.cas.go.jp/jp/seisaku/atarashii_sihonsyugi/pdf/ap2023en.pdf
Cabinet Secretariat. “Kodoku Koritsu Taisaku Kanmin Renkei Purattofômu” [Public-Private Collaboration Platform to Combat Loneliness and Isolation]. https://www.cas.go.jp/jp/seisaku/kodoku_koritsu_platform/index.html
Shinkawa, Toshimitsu. “The Politics of Pension Reform in Japan: Institutional Legacies, Credit-Claiming and Blame Avoidance.” In Ageing and Pension Reform Around the World: Evidence from 11 Countries, eds. Giuliano Bonoli and Toshimitsu Shinkawa, 157-181. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar.
Cabinet Secretariat. 2023. “Grand Design and Action Plan for a New Form of Capitalism: 2023 Revised Version.” https://www.cas.go.jp/jp/seisaku/atarashii_sihonsyugi/pdf/ap2023en.pdf
Cabinet Secretariat. “Kodoku Koritsu Taisaku Kanmin Renkei Purattofômu” [Public-Private Collaboration Platform to Combat Loneliness and Isolation]. https://www.cas.go.jp/jp/seisaku/kodoku_koritsu_platform/index.html
Shinkawa, Toshimitsu. “The Politics of Pension Reform in Japan: Institutional Legacies, Credit-Claiming and Blame Avoidance.” In Ageing and Pension Reform Around the World: Evidence from 11 Countries, eds. Giuliano Bonoli and Toshimitsu Shinkawa, 157-181. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar.
Poland
As with other civil society organizations (CSOs), the role of social welfare organizations in policymaking under the PiS government was limited to irregular, nontransparent consultations at various levels. Between 2019 and 2023, only four public hearings during parliamentary commission proceedings were held. The PiS government favored organizations that promoted conservative values and traditional family roles, especially those linked to the Catholic Church. In contrast, well-established initiatives like the Science Festival – the largest and one of the most prestigious events promoting science in Poland – took place without any financial support from the Ministry of Education and Science for the first time in 2023.
Attempts to deepen the politicization of education were blocked twice by presidential veto, and the Senate faced extended critique from pupils and parents’ organizations due to a lack of social dialogue. In general, 2023 was marked by higher involvement of youth organizations in public discourse and actions. This led to a very high turnout rate among young people in the October 2023 parliamentary elections. After the elections, 80 of the most important Polish social organizations published a statement to the new liberal government on the need to strengthen social dialogue and use the knowledge of the third sector to restore the rule of law and build a progressive, responsible state (Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights 2023).
Attempts to deepen the politicization of education were blocked twice by presidential veto, and the Senate faced extended critique from pupils and parents’ organizations due to a lack of social dialogue. In general, 2023 was marked by higher involvement of youth organizations in public discourse and actions. This led to a very high turnout rate among young people in the October 2023 parliamentary elections. After the elections, 80 of the most important Polish social organizations published a statement to the new liberal government on the need to strengthen social dialogue and use the knowledge of the third sector to restore the rule of law and build a progressive, responsible state (Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights 2023).
Citations:
Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights. 2023. “Statement by civil society organizations after the 2023 parliamentary elections.” https://hfhr.pl/en/news/statement-by-civil-society-organisations-after-the-2023-parliamentary-elections
Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights. 2023. “Statement by civil society organizations after the 2023 parliamentary elections.” https://hfhr.pl/en/news/statement-by-civil-society-organisations-after-the-2023-parliamentary-elections
UK
As explained in the answers to the questions “Effective Civil Society Organizations” and “Effective Involvement of Civil Society,” if major CSOs are understood to be social partners in a corporatist sense, then their involvement in social welfare policy is limited. However, the UK has a wealth of NGOs, think tanks, and research institutes focused on various aspects of social welfare, making them valuable contributors to policymaking. Bodies like the Migration Advisory Council, mentioned in the answer to “Sustainable Inclusion of Migrants,” also play a role. While formal consultation procedures exist, they do not capture the full range of input from these sources. Informal contacts between civil servants or ministers and social welfare experts, public events, and occasional commissions – such as those by the Centre for Social Justice, as mentioned in indicator “Effective Civil Society Organizations” – are all avenues for influence. Additionally, All-Party Parliamentary Groups facilitate interactions between the government and other organizations, further enriching the policymaking processions.
3
Hungary
The illiberal government under Prime Minister Orbán filters civil engagement through an ideological lens. The inclusion of CSOs is determined by whether organizations share the governing party’s worldview. As a result, substantial sectoral and topic-based differences have emerged. For instance, in family matters, the government promotes traditional family structures while opposing modern forms of engagement. Generally, the government epitomizes “populist policymaking,” which means that interest groups, experts and intermediary groups are rarely consulted (Bartha et al. 2019). During the COVID-19 pandemic, the government occasionally consulted societal actors, but continued to do so selectively and without transparency. In the case of older people, a group particularly hard-hit by the pandemic, the government refrained from engaging with traditional interest associations representing this demographic. Instead, it referred to “negotiations” with the Council of the Elderly People, a body comprising 12 members loyal to Fidesz and chaired by Prime Minister Orbán himself. Vulnerable social groups such as the Roma are underrepresented in social dialogue. The discourse on the social welfare of migrants is particularly problematic, with experts being criminalized through various legal instruments rather than consulted. The government’s anti-feminist stance creates hurdles to consultations on gender issues, and entities pursuing LGBTQ+ rights are demonized as well. Advocacy in these areas has been interrupted due to government ideology. The government uses a multitier strategy to tackle feminist and family-oriented issues with a differentiated approach toward the CSOs involved in policymaking. Organizations that support the conservative, traditional narrative of the government are usually co-opted, and may receive funding for projects. Another strategy includes the organization of mergers, the creation of GONGOs, and the establishment of or fusion with CSOs close to the government. In contrast, CSOs that push a modern, feminist agenda are excluded and may quickly become victims of smear or othering campaigns. The situation somewhat resembles the famous cultural policy of György Aczél during the communist period, where the mechanisms of being forbidden, tolerated or supported (tiltott, türt, támogatott) were used in the cultural sphere (Gerő et al. 2023).
Citations:
Bartha, A., Boda, Z., and Szikra, D. 2020. “When Populist Leaders Govern: Conceptualising Populism in Policy Making.” Politics and Governance 8(3): 71-81.
Gerő, M., Fejős, A., Kerényi, S., and Szikra, D. 2023. “From Exclusion to Co-optation: Political Opportunity Structures and Civil Society Responses in De-democratising Hungary.” Politics and Governance 11(1): 16-27.
Bartha, A., Boda, Z., and Szikra, D. 2020. “When Populist Leaders Govern: Conceptualising Populism in Policy Making.” Politics and Governance 8(3): 71-81.
Gerő, M., Fejős, A., Kerényi, S., and Szikra, D. 2023. “From Exclusion to Co-optation: Political Opportunity Structures and Civil Society Responses in De-democratising Hungary.” Politics and Governance 11(1): 16-27.
The government is not able to effectively involve leading social welfare CSOs in policy development.
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